MERGER (SINGAPORE/FEDERATION OF MALAYA) (White Paper)

[Mr SPEAKER in the Chair]

Debate resumed.

Mr Speaker: Order. The procedural device I suggested has been accepted by the Opposition Parties but not by the Government side. The original ruling therefore stands. But I think Members will agree that as the matter we are discussing is of grave import to Singapore - and there should, I think to my mind, be continuity in debate - I do not propose of my own volition to stop Members should they wander away from the amendment. But that, of course, will not prevent Members who so desire from rising on, a point of order when they consider that the Member who is speaking is irrelevant, and the Chair will then rule at that stage. Tun Lim.

3.47 p.m.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Queenstown was endeavouring to impress on this House and the public of Singapore that he is a very virile man, that he knows what the public wants, and that he is fighting tooth and nail to get what it wants.

On this merger, Sir, I said earlier that a merger is just like a marriage, and a happy marriage cannot take place unless there is some courting being done, in this moment of courting - and this is like a moment of courting because we are not yet married to the Federation of Malaya - I would suggest to the prospective bridegroom or bride that the way to win the love of the other party is not to try to say how good or how clever one is and how bad or how ugly the other party is. It does not help.

I remember, Sir, during the time when I was in office, I did all I could in this technique of courting. I went up to the Federation. I was as friendly as possible and I believe I had made some headway. There was very good understanding and there were certain sentiments that had germinated towards, if not a marriage, then at least an engagement. But then at that time, Sir, it was the P.A.P. who were in the Opposition. What did the Prime Minister himself say when he was the leader of the Opposition? "Huh, look at this disgraceful Chief Minister of Singapore licking the boots of the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya!" He said such harsh words in this House. And today, since the Malaysia idea was made known by the Tunku in May this year, he has made so many trips to the Federation. In fact, on 17th November, we saw him at the Airport and we saw some pictures of him in Kuala Lumpur. He described the courting that I had been doing as bootlicking, but the Barisan Sosialis say that the Prime Minister has been going on all fours. I think they are fond of using such words without thought, having come from the same school. I do not want to say that the Prime Minister of Singapore has been doing more than bootlicking! But what I would like to say is this, that if all the overtures of the Prime Minister are directed towards reunification of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya, then I will wish him the best of luck.

Mr David Marshall: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: But not so the Barisan Sosialis. They say the Prime Minister is crawling on all fours on outstretched hands. Sir, we do not graduate from that same school - the P.A.P. school of culture!

Sir, the Member for Queenstown - the leader of the Barisan Sosialis - is for merger, according to what he said in his speech. I do not say I doubt that. I say it is good that we should all wish for merger. But the way he goes about trying to achieve this is wrong. Of course. I can find excuses for the ravings he levelled at the P.A.P. It was because he felt so strongly that the P.A.P. had been leading Singapore up the garden path on this question of merger. But he should have restrained himself in his attacks on his ex-comrades. in fact, I think he knows better. Having been with them, he therefore knows the kind of smell that he is smelling. But he should not have indulged in an attack on the Government of the Federation of Malaya by saying that it was bad and that the sooner we had a general election on the question of merger the quicker it would be out.

Sir, we have had in Singapore a so-called Socialist Government for the past two years, and the .13 Members of the new "Star" were associated with that Government. For two years, they were in office. What do we see in Singapore today? They criticise the type of government in the Federation. May I ask them to take just a trip to Kuala Lumpur and see for themselves the vast progress that is taking place there as compared with Singapore? In Singapore, we find comrades disintegrating; but in the Federation we find genuine progress towards economic stability. Over here, the Government claims that it is a true Socialist, non-Communist Government - I do not know what more to describe them - but it has done nothing other than playing party politics in the trade union field.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: On a point of order. Sir. I think we are now on the question of merger. I think I have received notice that the Member for Cairnhill will be speaking on the motion for adjournment on trade unionism, and if he now confines his remarks until he comes to the motion, I think it will be in proper order.

Mr Speaker: Perhaps the Leader of the House is thinking of the Standing Order on anticipation?

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Irrelevancy.

Mr Speaker: If the Leader of the House rises on the question whether or not the Member for Cairnhill is irrelevant in regard to the amendment we are discussing, then I say that the Member is not irrelevant. Tun Lim, please continue.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, the subject that I wish to touch on will be covered by me in a speech on the adjournment on the 24th.

Sir, what I am trying to lead up to is this. Here is a P.A.P. Government that says in this negotiation for merger, "You know, we just gave away this, that and the other; but we insisted on education and labour and we got it." I was leading up to that - education and labour - when I was talking about the trade union movement. As if they fought so hard that they wanted education and labour. Look at the kind of labour movement that is going on in Singapore. Look at the sufferings of the workers in Singapore today as a result of political rivalry in the trade union field.

Mr David Marshall: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Look at the education problem today - although the Government might want to hide it - when the students in the middle schools refuse to take the examinations of the Government and are now organising protests. Very good education policy! Everybody is in favour of it!

Sir, what I was trying to say just now was to answer the charges levelled by the Barisan Sosialis at the Government of the Federation of Malaya. They kept on saying that they are Socialists. But since they used the word "genuine" merger, perhaps they should apply that adjective "genuine" to themselves - genuine Socialism or their own special brand of Socialism.

In Malaya today, there is economic progress, but Singapore is beginning to feel the pinch.

Now, Sir, I would like to talk about merger. Every Party that exists today - and even every Party that came into existence years and years ago, and every Party that will come into existence before Merger Day - will have as the first item "Merger with the Federation of Malaya". In fact, the P.A.P. played on that line in the general elections in 1959, and when they came into power they did say that they were pledged to merger.

Going back to what I said a little while ago on the courtship that I carried on with the Federation of Malaya during the time when I was Chief Minister up to 1959 when the P.A.P. came into power, all the attempts that I had made had been totally damaged by the presence of the P.A.P. form of Government. Although they in 1959 said that they had nothing to do with the Communists, "We are non-Communists and we hold no truck with the Communists. We are clean. We are Socialists," yet today they have admitted that they have been sleeping with the Communists who have now left them and are now perhaps sleeping with the Barisan Sosialis. That is what they say now. They admit it. So it was because of the very presence in the Party and in the Government of people whom they now describe as Communists, Communist-front men, and all sorts of things, and whom they were trying to defend and trying to explain away - it was because of all that that they could make no headway with the Government of the Federation of Malaya.

The Prime Minister, in the very first year of office, said, "Huh, we have thought of a wonderful scheme - a Common Commodity Market. The previous Government never dreamed of it. A grand idea. The Common Commodity Market will help industrialisation." The question of the Common Commodity Market is still not settled. What has happened? The P.A.P. were returned on their pledge to achieve merger. What happened to the relationship between the Federation and Singapore? Further and further apart, drawing away the whole time, so much so that in the second year of office the Prime Minister could not, in all honesty, stand up and say, "Merger is on the way." He even gave up. "The less we talk of merger, the less heartache." So he would not talk of merger because he knew merger was out.

But then in May this year the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya came over here and, addressing a luncheon of foreign journalists, touched on the subject of Malaysia. When the Singapore Government heard that, they were so jubilant that they almost fell down on their feet - I think they nearly fainted. They said, "Ah merger is on the way." At that time, there was the Anson by-election. So they thought, "Huh, now that merger is on the way, let us cash in." But they knew at that time, from the speech of the Tunku to the foreign journalists, that it was not going to be merger. In fact, if it had been merger, they would also have said the same thing - merger, they would want merger. But because they knew it was not merger but only something closer, their strategist - I do not know if he was a special tactician in the Party - came out with a new programme, "We, the P.A.P. will work towards merger with the Federation. But we will see to it that we retain education and labour."

I am now coming to what I describe as the misrepresentation of the true facts of the case. If the P.A.P. Government had said at that time that what was possible under the plan outlined by the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya was some closer association whereby the Federation of Malaya just wanted external affairs, defence and security, and Singapore could have everything else in which they were not interested, then that would have been more right. Then the people would know that it was not merger in the true sense of the word "merger". There can be only one meaning for merger - complete in tegration. They straightaway said, "Merger", "Merger", "Merger". And everytime they have to retreat - "This kind of merger for citizenship, no. Singapore citizenship - does not qualify." Another time when they are questioned, "Oh, but don't you see, the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya states that in a merger only those born in the State can automatically become citizens, but all the others have to apply." And later on, all sorts of retreat - retreating the whole time. At another time, they say, "Oh, yes. They could apply. 110,000 out of the 350,000." Yet they knew the reasons why it was not a merger proposed by the Federation Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Now, Sir, let us try to trace back. We were all anxious for merger, but we must admit that trends in Singapore and in the Federation were in the opposite direction. We in Singapore have a more sophisticated electorate. We have the P.A.P. with the lightning flash, and now the Barisan Sosialis. The P.A.P. is still here. And we have had the kind of politics where even, in the words of the Government today as enunciated by the Minister for Finance, they had to work with the Communists. So obviously you find in the Federation a different form of government that has been waging war against the Communists for years and years and has suffered quite a lot at their hands. Surely they would be very, very careful now in taking in people into the family. They have to be more careful now as a result of their bitter experience, to see that what they take in is not going to damage what they already have. But then why this sudden idea of Malaysia? I would like to say what I know about this, although I must say that I stand to be corrected.

I have said outside and inside this Chamber that questions have been asked of me by Pressmen and foreign correspondents, "Do I believe and do I think that merger will take place?" I said, "Merger is inevitable. Merger will have to take place. Even if the two Governments do not see eye to eye, the developments in this area would be at such a pace that it would be in the vital interests of the territories concerned to come together."

Mr David Marshall: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Therefore, much as the Tunku did not like it, much as the Federation Government would not like to have anything to do with Singapore, they came to a proper appreciation of the situation that has developed in this part of the world. And therefore, it was felt in the Federation that the only way to ensure that there is no complete split of the artificial split that is now in evidence is to get together.

And then they have to think of the form of getting together. There are very, very grave or legitimate objections on the part of the Federation to take Singapore into a complete merger. That, we all know, is not the reason why all this talk about merger has been slapped down by the Tunku. At least for the first time, because of the trends of political events in this part of the world. Singapore is going to be allowed to live along the same street as the Federation of Malaya. If we go by the heads of agreement reached between the Singapore Government and the Federation Government, we have not yet been allowed to stay in the same house as one big family. But we will now be living in the same street as really close neighbours. That is what we are. Then why do we oppose this amendment? I would like to repeat: we oppose the amendment not because we do not believe in genuine merger. We want genuine merger. Everyone wants merger. But merger is merger. We cannot call it genuine merger or not genuine merger. A marriage is a marriage. You cannot say that a marriage between, a man and a woman is not genuine. Merger is merger. We want to see merger. And to us, and to everyone, I am sure, merger means a complete reunification of Singapore into the Federation of Malaya as one big happy family.

Mr David Marshall: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Therefore, we oppose the amendment proposed by the leader of the Barisan Sosialis because the qualifications of a genuine merger (note the adjective) have never before even been thought of by them years and years ago. Their Four-Year programme, their Anniversary Souvenir -

Mr David Marshall: Sir, on a point of clarification, if the hon. Member will give way?

Tun Lim Yew Hock resumed his seat.

Mr David Marshall: Would he accept the amendment, Mr Speaker, Sir, if for the word "genuine", the word "complete" were substituted?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: There can only be one form of merger, Sir, and that kind of merger is complete and satisfying. We -do not have to say "complete merger", or that a marriage is a complete marriage as it is still a marriage.

Now, another reason why we object to that is this: here we know - on the second part of the amendment - that the fact that Singapore and Malaya cannot come into a merger is because of the fears, if you want to call them fears, that are in the minds -of the Federation vis-a-vis the citizens of Singapore. That, I should say, is the main reason why merger cannot take place. And to focus attention, as does this amendment here, and say that there must be genuine merger, that the citizens of Singapore should automatically become citizens, is not to allay the fears of the Federation, but is going to make it worse. Why should it be'? Why should we try to frighten away people with whom we want very much to become friends? Therefore, we object to that. And according to our view, the amendment proposed by the leader of the Barisan Sosialis is just political, and nothing else. It is just to tell the people of Singapore, "There you are. We are braver than the P.A.P. We ask for this. We ask for that." Sir, in a matter that concerns the very livelihood and welfare of the people of Singapore, we - the different political Parties represented in this Assembly - should not play party politics. We should, in fact, show the people in the Federation of Malaya and in London, where today negotiations are now taking place between the British Government and the Federation Government, that there is one desire of the people of Singapore as expressed in the unanimous vote in this Assembly. We believe in and we want merger. Instead of which, the newspapers will carry headline news when the vote is taken, Barisan Sosialis for the amendment; some people are against it, and the amendment is won or lost; whatever it is that is won or lost is immaterial. Lost, and the P.A.P. starts their original motion, which is carried. All that is playing party politics. It does not help us in the eyes of the people of the Federation of Malaya, nor in the eyes of the people of Singapore. We should not do it. In this one, we must have a unanimous vote. We should say, "Yes, we are all for it.' Then when we come to Command Paper 33, of course, the Barisan Sosialis will be free to say it - if they want, they can say it: it is a sell-out. Go ahead. Criticise the heads of agreement as much as they want. Criticise the form that the P.A.P. is now taking to get a unanimous vote of this House. If that is the way they achieve merger, that is the way they can attack. But on this important issue, we want to tell the world in the strongest possible terms that we in this Assembly want merger, but not to start having an amendment to cause split votes in this House. Then again on the Government side, somebody would be for and others would be against. That is no good vis-a-vis our relationship with the Federation of Malaya.

So, if the Barisan Sosialis, after more mature thought, feel that they have stressed their point, and that all speakers after this will just touch on Cmd. Paper 33, call it by whatever name they like to call it; say that it is a sell-out or not a complete merger; that that is not the way the Government should go on, carry out the unanimous decision of the Assembly. They are free to do so. But on this main motion on merger, let us all with one voice forget politics, forget whether they were in the P.A.P. at one time, or out of the P.A.P. now; forget their personal animosity; both sides are trying their best to run the other down. Forget all that in this very important motion. Let us tell the world that we can sink our political differences just once, when the welfare of the people of Singapore, and when a very important matter is just around the corner, that we can all be united. I would urge the Barisan Sosialis to think this over. In fact, I am in sympathy with them on most of the attacks that they have levelled at the P.A.P. I am in sympathy with them. But on the motion I would ask them to forget politics - just to say, accept the motion as it stands and then take the Government to task on the next motion.

Sir,I would urge upon this House, and. I have explained why I stepped in so early in the debate, it is because I would caution moderation. Please, if we want to achieve this merger, if we want to get closer with the people in the Federation of Malaya, let us not in this Assembly say anything that may cause misgivings in their minds or that may hurt their feelings. They are just as human as we are. If the Barisan Sosialis feel that they must do all they can to expose their ex-comrades, the P.A.P., go ahead, do it on another motion. Or even on this motion if they want, say anything they like. But do not bring in anything that can be said to the derogatory of the Government of the Federation of Malaya or the people of the Federation of Malaya. Do not do it. If we want to be friends, let us show that we really mean to be friends, and that it is not a question of gaining political kudos and saying, "You see, we fight for everything. We speak so much. We expose everybody. We are for the people of Singapore." Remember this, Singapore cannot stand alone now, especially as - and I will just touch on it in passing - the Borneo territories are now coming into the Federation of Malaysia. Singapore cannot stand alone. Even today, with all the overtures of the Prime Minister for closer relationship with the Federation of Malaya, we were told at an earlier sitting that the Minister for Education had tabled a Bill to incorporate the University of Singapore. Before their time, there was a University of Malaya, one university for the whole of Malaya. In the time of the P.A.P. - University of Malaya, University of Singapore! Radio Malaya, Radio Singapore, Suara Singapore - that is the twelfth awful disclosure of the Prime Minister - Suara Singapore! Even on industrialisation, how difficult it is for Singapore to industrialise, especially when prospective investors come along to this part of the world and then go to Kuala Lumpur, and they see the vast difference. And they always say, "It is better to be in the Federation of Malaya than in Singapore."

So talking of moderation of language again, I would urge upon all speakers of the Barisan Sosialis and the P.A.P. to remember this. That the motion that is before the House - of course, there are other motions - but the main motion before the House is one that calls for calm judgment, that calls for, shall we say, one united voice, and they should not take this opportunity to run down their ex-comrades. The Barisan Sosialis exposing the P.A.P., and the P.A.P. exposing the Barisan Sosialis. All that does not matter on this motion. After that, I could assure the Barisan Sosialis that they are free to do what they want. In fact, I can even say this. That their criticism of the P.A.P. might not even be on the same scale as the criticism that we will level at the P.A.P. in discussions on other matters that will come up for debate.

And why I say let us be moderate in our language is, as I said, that for merger to take place, it is vitally necessary to get the agreement of the other party, and the other party in this case is the Government of the Federation of Malaya. Fortunately for Singapore, we have, as the head of that Government in the Federation of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, a real friend. He is a real friend of Singapore. We can trust him to see that Singapore is not placed in any disadvantageous position.

Now, Sir, I would urge upon the P.A.P. in all their speeches after this not to try to claim that Cmd. Paper No. 33 is bringing about merger. Talk no more of merger because it is not merger. The least they say about merger, the better it will be for them, and the easier ii will be for their ex-comrades to take it. The plan that they agreed to is just to bring Singapore closer to the Federation of Malaya. Instead of trying to prove things that need not be proved, because it is their conscience that is pricking them the whole time because they seem to think that people will say it is a sell-out, if they are to come out and say plainly, "This is the best that we can get under the circumstances and we advise you that this is better than nothing," then there will be less attack. People will then say, "At least they have told the truth. There could be no allegations of twists and turns. There could be no allegations of a phoney, a sell-out or humbug. It is because of the way the P.A.P. present these talks that have been going on in the Federation between Singapore and the Federation, present them in a way which they think could give them political credit, it is because of that that they are now in this mess. They need not have to be in this mess. They are now in this mess. Every-time we tell them that it is not merger, they keep on repeating that it is merger, merger, merger. And Suara Singapore -

An hon. Member: Suara P.A.P.!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: And from Suara Singapore, I keep on hearing, "Merger, merger." I must say, Sir, I tune it off when I know it is not merger. It is not merger. The Tunku himself has said that it is a form of closer association. That is for the P.A.P. For the Barisan Sosialis, if they really believe in merger, and I do not doubt it, if they really believe it and want to achieve it, -if they want to get married - some of them, I think, are still not married - the period of courtship is a period when there are great trials and tribulations. Do not try to say that you are rich; that you are good; that you are this; that you are that. It will not help. But try to win the heart and mind of the other party. In order to win that, I would tell them that they should not -

Mr Speaker: Order. May I remind the Member for Cairnhill that the Chair is on this side?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Mr Speaker. Sir, the Chair does not require to be .reminded. But Members of the Barisan Sosialis have to be reminded that whatever utterances they make in this Assembly may have repercussions on the merger discussion that is taking place -

Mr Speaker: Order. That perhaps is quite agreed. But the rule says that the Member must speak to the Chair, or rather perhaps speak to the Assemblymen through the Chair.

Dr Sheng Nam Chin (Nee Soon) rose -

Mr Speaker: Is it a point of order?

Dr Sheng Nam Chin: No. On a point of clarification.

Tun Lim Yew Hock resumed his seat.

Dr Sheng Nam Chin: Mr Speaker, it would appear that the Member for Cairnhill is directing his advice to this side of the House, and it appears to me that he is advocating premarital relationship before marriage. Can he clarify that, Sir?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Mr Speaker. Sir, evil is he who evil thinks. Maybe the Member for Nee Soon his mind is so full of such ideas that when you start courtship, that is premarital relationship.

Dr Sheng Nam Chin rose -

Mr Speaker: Is it a point of order?

Dr Sheng Nam Chin: Clarification.

Mr Speaker: It has been clarified.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sometimes it is very difficult for doctors to understand. It is only laymen like us -

Dr Lee Siew Choh: You are a doctor yourself.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, so in this courtship, which is still a courtship even although when the agreement reached with the Government of the Federation of Malaya is accepted in this House, the period of courtship is still there; but then, at least, we are allowed to stay still. We can even talk through the window. We do not have to cross to Kuala Lumpur any more. There is a period of courtship. Let us, as leaders of the people in this House, try and win over the Government of the Federation of Malaya, the people of the Federation of Malaya, so that in the shortest possible time there can be merger. And when I say merger. I mean real lasting merger where the citizens of Singapore are the citizens of the Federation of Malaya.

Some hon. Members: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: To achieve that, one must be careful in the choice of words when one speaks to someone whom one is courting.

Sir, I do not know whether there is real and genuine enmity between the P.A.P. and the ex-P.A.P., because the leader of the Barisan Sosialis on the first day said. "It grieves me to see so man)' vacant seats." May be he was suggesting to the P.A.P., "Come on, call me back. I'll come hack. There are so many vacant seats." And yesterday, the Minister for Finance said that they were doing their best to save the Barisan Sosialis from the clutches of the Communists, and he ended his speech by saying, "Hop it while the going is good". Sir, from all these suggestions, perhaps it is clear to us that there is really no difference although they are in opposite camps; they are together. They cannot deny the fact that they have been together. They have been together for two years. To every criticism of the Opposition, we found that those who are now sitting on this side were the greatest champions of P.A.P. policy, in fact, if I remember rightly, the Member for Queenstown, the leader of the Barisan Sosialis, touched on what he called the arbitrary imposition of the pay-cuts of the civil service. Those were the words used by us when we were just eight of us here -

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Mr Speaker, on a point of order. This is not relevant to the motion we are talking about at the moment.

Mr Speaker: The point of order has, of course, been correctly taken. The hon. Member is straying away from the amendment. He should try not to stray away from the amendment.

Dr Toh Chin Chye rose -

Mr Speaker: Is it another point of order?

Dr Toh Chin Chye: On a point of explanation, Sir,I do not want to appear -

Mr Speaker: If the Member will give way.

Tun Lim Yew Hock resumed his seat.

Mr Speaker: He has given way.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Sir, I do not want to appear as if I were the Speaker, hut as you have said just now, you would give leave to the House to pull up a Member if he is out of order. I only wish to remind the Member for Cairnhill that there is ample opportunity for him to debate or bring out whatever remarks he has on the second half of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara's speech.

Mr David Marshall: Does it hurt?

Mr Speaker: Order. That, of course, is exactly what I have been saying from the very beginning of this debate. There will be opportunities for Members to say what they want to say when we debate the other items on the Order Paper. I have indicated that since the procedural device I have suggested has not been agreed to by one side of the House, I will not take -it upon myself to pull up Members for irrelevancies. The Leader of the House, of course, is at liberty to get up on points of order when Members are irrelevant.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Mr Speaker, it seems I have been trying to tell Members the art of courtship. I must take in the right spirit what the Leader of the House is trying to say in his explanation. I know, Sir, that it is very difficult for a speaker not to apparently stray, but it is so difficult to do justification to the stand that we take in opposing the amendment of the Barisan Sosialis unless we have an opportunity to explain and to answer the criticisms that the Leader of the Barisan Sosialis has brought before this House for 7½ hours; unless we have a chance to explain that all that he has been saying is not all right. It will be difficult.

Mr Speaker: Order. When the Member for Cairnhill I said that the speaker was straying, I take it he means the Member speaking and not the Speaker?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, I mean the man who speaks, not the Speaker who seldom speaks!

Mr Speaker, Sir, the words of the leader of the Barisan Sosialis can cause, and for all we know may have already caused, misgivings in the hearts of the people of the Federation. He touched so much on citizenship. In fact, most of his speech, the attack that he levelled at the P.A.P. Government, was on citizenship. Of course, we know, Sir, that only citizens of Singapore will have the vote and they are hoping that there might be a general election soon as they are calling on the Government to resign.

Sir, the arrangement that the Government of Singapore has reached with the Government of the Federation, as contained in Cmd. Paper No. 33, clearly shows that it is not merger, and because it is not merger, therefore, the citizens of Singapore cannot claim to be citizens of the Federation of Malaya. All the confusion that has arisen is as a result of the Prime Minister trying to explain away this citizenship by telling the Ban-san Sosialis and the people of Singapore that citizenship is citizenship, but there is nationality. Federal nationality? Everyone will become a Federal national; but citizenship, why worry. Singapore citizens are still Singapore citizens, and Federal citizens are still Federal citizens. If the Prime Minister had not tried to show that he was too clever, everything would have been easily understood and everybody would have been happy. The arrangement that has been reached between the Singapore Government and the Federation Government is that, in so far as external affairs, defence and internal security are concerned, these shall be vested in the Government of the Federation of Malaya. Apart from that, and apart from pan-Malayan matters which could be concurrent with or vested in the Government of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore is to be autonomous. Singapore, at least is going to have an opportunity to send great leaders like the leader of the Barisan Sosialis to the Federal Parliament where he can speak on behalf of the people of Singapore and protect the interests of the people of Singapore. Fifteen of them. Whether 15 is enough or not enough is a matter that I am sure the Assembly would like to touch on. The leader of the Barisan Sosialis says it is too small. He has suggested it could be 30. But the line that my Party will take is this. I say here in all sincerity. Had it been an Alliance Government here today, we would have got a better deal. But because the P.A.P. which is now the Government has agreed on this and departed from that, we will support them on that. It would appear that that is the best they can do. We should be thankful.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: That at least Singapore is going to live side by side along the same street with the Federation of Malaya and the Bornean territories; that these territories which were at one time under one British administrative control will now come back together and be in the Federation of Malaysia. And that is a good start. Although, of course, there will be some like the Barisan Sosialis who want complete merger straightaway. It is easy to say what you want, Sir,It is very easy to say that we want complete merger; that we want this and that we want that. But one must remember that we must also take into consideration the wants of the other party. Even take Singapore for instance. Years and years ago, we all wanted in-dependence, but then we were quite satisfied with natural evolution towards independence -

Mr David Marshall: No!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: We had a Rendel Constitution when the Member for Anson was the first Chief Minister -

An hon. Member: Yes.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: - and quite rightly, he was not satisfied with the Rendel Constitution. He went forward to get the present Constitution. What is the next step? The next step, he says, is independence through merger, but since merger is not taking place, it is still independence through closer association with the Federation of Malaya.

Today - and in fact for the last three days - Tunku Abdul Rahman and his colleagues have been holding discussions in London and it appears strange that it is left to the Prime Minister of the Federation of Malaya to go and talk of independence for Singapore. He is such a good man. He goes there to help us out, and yet we have Members of the Barisan Sosialis trying to tell him off [Interruption].

I see. Sir, that the Member for Queenstown is still as excited as ever. The first day when he stood up to give his speech, he was so excited that he forgot my poor head. His hand came into contact with my poor head!

An hon. Member: Blistered!

Mr A. P. Rajah (Farrer Park): And the Member for Farrer Park got it too!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: The Member for Farrer Park and I do not have sufficient hair, and we had our heads fertilised by the Member for Queenstown when he got excited!

Sir, what is offered to us in this Cmd. Paper No. 33 is the best possible under the circumstances, and I would urge the representatives in this House to accept it because it will just make certain of our desire for merger - call it complete merger or genuine merger. We will be taking the first step. We will be getting one foot in. The P.A.P. has exposed itself to an attack that what they are trying to deliver is not merger, because in their attempt to describe merger, they have tried to get political credit for themselves. But much as we do not like it, we must be thankful that for the first time after so many, many years of separation, we have a Government in the Federation of Malaya which is prepared to extend a friendly hand so that we can be closer together, so that we can at least have the opportunity of knowing each other at close range, and so that we can really become one in the years ahead.

So let us not try to say that the citizens of Singapore have been let down. They have not been let down. The only question you can ask is, why should the P.A.P. Government be so anxious to give away internal security? That you can ask the P.A.P. Government. But I know why. I do not have to ask. They want to shirk their responsibility for internal security even under this Constitution. Internal security is the responsibility of the Government of Singapore. But what do they always say? They says "The Internal Security Council." Every time they hide behind the cloak of the Internal Security Council, and this was referred to by the Minister for Finance yesterday when he said, "Oh, this is not true." Not true! Of course, they do not like it. Therefore, when they say, "Give away internal security to the Federation," and at the same time a series of 12 awful disclosures is made by the Prime Minister over Radio Singapore, Radio Singapura -

Mr David Marshall: Radio P.A.P.!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: - I can feel sorry for the Members of the Barisan Sosialis who fear that all this is leading up to something, that the P.A.P. Government is working all this up so that later on the Federation Government will step in and clean the house for the PAP. I cannot blame the Barisan Sosialis for thinking along those lines. But in so far as the statement is derogatory to the Government of the Federation of Malaya, I want to say this. The Government of the Federation of Malaya has been associated with us for the past two years in the Internal Security Council. I am sure that the Singapore Government can say, with all sincerity, that the representative of the Federation of Malaya has never at any time interfered or given orders to the Singapore Government as to what should or should not be done. In fact, questions have been asked - even at this sitting - by the Member for Anson whether or not the Federation Government has asked the Singapore Government to take certain actions in the Internal Security Council, and the answer has been "No". So for the two years that the Federation Government has been associated with us in the Internal Security Council, they have not done-anything to make us fear them. Therefore, in this new arrangement where internal security is to be vested in the Federation of Malaya, need we have any fear'? Can we not understand that a Governmen - particularly an elected Government - cannot do what h wants, that it has to face the electorate even in the Federation of Malaya if it does things that are unconstitutional, undemocratic and not in keeping with the Constitution?

Sir, we can understand that the Federation Government is interested in internal security. Internal security is a problem that affects the whole of Malaysia. It does not only affect Singapore. Therefore, the Federation says that it has to be interested in internal security, for what happens in Singapore is going to have repercussions in the Federation. Therefore, as an older brother, the Federation feels that it must at least have a say in the internal security of Singapore which cannot be divorced from the internal security of the whole of Malaysia.

On external affairs, I think we are satisfied, as there has been no challenge made. Defence is Malayan-wide. We cannot defend Singapore without defending the whole of Malaya. Therefore, I think no one can quarrel with defence and external affairs, although the Barisan Sosialis have touched on internal security by saving, as a result of that, that the big bad ogre in the Federation will be doing all sorts of nasty things to help the P.A.P. Government to remain in office.

Sir, the P.A.P., or the Government, are wont to accuse the Barisan Sosialis - and I am sure they will keep on accusing them - of not being for genuine merger or for complete merger. They will try to ridicule the Barisan Sosialis. I am not speaking for the Barisan Sosialis, but I hope that in what they say they must remember this, that in whatever speeches they may want to make on this very important issue, they must get away from party politics. Let us look at - the matter in its proper perspective and not be swayed by personal animosity.

Sir, on this amendment that is before the House, I would like to say that we oppose it not because we do not believe in genuine merger or that the citizens of Singapore should not become citizens of the Federation of Malaya, but we oppose it because the words added by the leader of the Barisan Sosialis are tautologous, redundant and are of a political character. We hope that the Barisan Sosialis, if they sincerely believe in merger - and I say they do sincerely believe in merger - will withdraw the amendment and take a unanimous vote on the motion that has been moved by the Minister for Labour. They can then level as much criticism as they want on the form of merger that the P.A.P. proposes to take in Cmd. Paper No. 33. But on an expression of noble sentiments, let us all be united. Let us criticise as much as we want on the method of achieving our goal, but let us also remember that merger is just the ultimate goal. For so many years, the ball has never been at our feet. Today we have the ball. Let us dribble it closer and closer to the goal-mouth and we will wait for the opportune time to shoot it into that goal of merger.

5.00 p.m.

The Minister for Health and Law (Mr K. M. Byrne): Sir, it is the moment of interruption.

Mr Speaker: Order. It is not really the moment of interruption. I was think, ing of carrying -on until half-past five since we had half an hour's break. Mr Byrne.

Mr Byrne: Mr Speaker, Sir, all genuine nationalists and patriots have always wanted merger except the Communists and the British who, although they have never been able to obstruct the tide of nationalism in the Federation, have nevertheless been happy to acquiesce in arrangements in which they could still exercise sovereignty over their base in Singapore, which is vital for the protection of their interests in this area.

There are some, Sir, who say they believe in merger and who have seized upon two Articles of the Federation Constitution, just two Articles of that Constitution, namely, Articles 2 and 22. Mr Speaker, Sir, I have here with me an authoritative exposition on the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya, and I would refer the House now to Article 2 which provides that the Federation Parliament may by law admit other States to the Federation; and Article 22 which provides that the Parliament may determine what persons are to be citizens by reason of their connection with the territory which is admitted. Mr Speaker, Sir, they have seized upon these two Articles of the Federation Constitution to base their claim for a complete merger with automatic Federation citizen fights for all Singapore citizens, and they have maintained that if these two Articles were invoked, the Federation Parliament could have been persuaded to agree to this demand. They have even gone to the extent of accusing those who have had due regard to the other important Articles of the Federation Constitution as well as these two Articles of being guilty of what they call a sell-out.

Mr Speaker, Sir, before we claim automatic Federation citizenship rights for our citizens, it is important for us first to find out the circumstances in which automatic citizenship rights are granted in the Federation. That is of paramount importance in these discussions. That brings us, Sir, directly to a consideration of Article 14 (1) of the Federation Constitution. Here, Mr Speaker, Sir, it is laid down who are the persons who are citizens by operation of law, i.e., who are the persons who are entitled to an automatic grant of Federation citizenship. They are the following persons:

Every person who, immediately before Merdeka Day. was a citizen of the Federation by virtue of any of the provisions of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, whether by operation of law or otherwise.

Let us take that first provision, Sir. It becomes necessary for us to enquire who are these persons who became citizens by operation of law under the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948; and to find out who they are, we must look at the terms of this Agreement. Mr Speaker, Sir,I have arranged for copies of this Agreement to be circulated this afternoon. As a matter of historical interest, this Federation of Malaya Agreement. 1948, which is scheduled to the Order-in-council implementing the Federation of Malaya Agreement which is reproduced in the subsidiary legislation and the legal notifications of the Federation of Malaya of 1948 -

Mr David Marshall rose -

Mr Speaker: Point of order?

Mr David Marshall: No, Sir. Just to assist you, Sir, we have copies. They have been given to us by the Assembly Clerk.

Mr Speaker: The Librarian.

Mr David Marshall: I am sorry. The Librarian.

Mr Byrne: As a matter of historical interest, this Federation of Malaya Agreement was subsequently amended by the Federation of Malaya (Agreement) Ordinance, 1952. That amendment was necessary because of the passing of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act by the British Parliament, and also, Mr Speaker, Sir, because of the stricter provisions that the Federation Government wished to introduce into their citizenship arrangements after the outbreak of the Emergency in the Federation in 1948.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the two relevant sections for the purpose of this discussion are section 124 of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, and section 125 of the Federation of Malaya Agreement (Amendment) Ordinance, 1952. By virtue of the provisions of the Interpretation and General Clauses Enactment in the Federation of Malaya, it is necessary for us to read the Agreement of 1948 in relation to the amendments that were made by the (Amendment) Ordinance of 1952. Mr Speaker, Sir, if these two sections - section 124 of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, and section 125 of the Federation of Malaya Agreement (Amendment) Ordinance, 1952-are studied in relation to each other, it will be observed that a person born in Penang or Malacca (what is referred to in the agreement as British Settlements) become Federation citizens by operation of law. A person born in any other part of the Federation does not become a citizen by operation of law unless -

(1) he is a subject of the ruler. Subjects of the ruler are defined as aborigines, Malays and persons naturalised as subjects of the ruler.

(2) he is a British subject or a citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies. (Whenever "British subjects" were used in the 1948 Agreement, the words "Citizen of the U.K. and Colonies" were substituted in the amending Ordinance.") And one of his parents is born in any of the territories of the Federation.

Sir, if the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, is looked at, it will be seen that there are two other provisions in that Agreement. The first was that -

Persons born before, on or after the 1st February, 1948. (i.e. the appointed date of the Federation of Malaya Agreement) in the Federation who habitually spoke the Malay language and conformed to Malay customs;

and secondly -

Other persons born before. on or after the 1st February, 1948, in any of the territories of the Federation, both of whose parents were born in any of the territories of the Federation and were before or at the time of their birth or thereafter became permanently resident in any territory of the Federation -

were also citizens by operation of law. These provisions were deleted by the Federation of Malaya Agreement (Amendment) Ordinance, 1952, after the outbreak of the Emergency. In fact, the Federation Government was clearly tightening up its citizenship laws when ii made that amendment. Sir, all other persons who are born in the Federation would have to apply for Federation citizenship, and the words used are that they must make an application "for Federation citizenship and to satisfy the requirements laid down in the Federation of Malaya Agreement. 1948." I am told those requirements are requirements of residence and an adequate knowledge (note the words used are not "an elementary knowledge" but "an adequate knowledge" of the Malay language.

Mr Speaker, Sir, let us now return to Article 14 of the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya. The second category of persons who are entitled to automatic citizenship rights, under the second provision of Article 14, are persons born in the Federation on or after Merdeka Day. Here, Sir, we get to the point where, for the first time, the jus soli is accepted as being the law of the Federation of Malaya. I will come to that later. Mr Speaker.

The third category are those persons who are born outside the Federation on or after Merdeka Day whose fathers are citizens at the time of their birth and whose fathers were either born in the Federation or in the service of the Government of the Federation or of a State at the time of their birth.

The fourth and last category are those persons who are born outside the Federation on or after Merdeka Day whose fathers are citizens at the time of their birth, if the birth is registered at a Malayan Consulate within one year of its occurrence or for such longer period as the Federation Government may in any particular case allow.

There, Sir, we have it in a nutshell, a succinct and comprehensive statement in a single Article of all persons who are entitled as of right to an automatic grant of Federation citizenship. The jus soli, the right of aim automatic grant of citizenship on birth, is acknowledged in Article 14 as being operative only on and after Merdeka Day.

Sir, for those who are born in the Federation before Merdeka Day and who are not citizens by operation of law under the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, they must register for citizenship under Article 16, and they have to satisfy age, residence, character and language requirements as well as show an intention to reside permanently in the Federation before they can qualify for registration as citizens.

For those who are resident in the Federation on Merdeka Day and who arc not born in the Federation, they must register for citizenship under Article 17. and they have to satisfy age, a longer residence, character and language requirements as well as show an intention to reside permanently in the Federation before they can qualify for registration as citizens. The language requirement here, Sir, is an elementary knowledge of Malay; not an adequate knowledge of Malay. For those who are naturalised, an adequate knowledge of Malay is insisted on, and there were exemptions from the language requirement granted to all those who were born or resident in the Federation and applied for citizenship within one year of Merdeka Day. These are matters on which the Member for Queenstown has already touched upon in this Assembly.

For all others who are neither born nor resident in the Federation on Merdeka Day, citizenship can only be obtained by naturalisation under Article 19.

Sir, where citizenship can be granted by registration to those born in the Federation before Merdeka Day under Article 16, and to those resident in the Federation on Merdeka Day under Article 17, and by naturalisation under Article 19, even if all the requirements for the grant of citizenship by registration or naturalisation are satisfied, citizenship can still be refused and there is no appeal from such refusal to the Courts.

Mr Speaker, Sir, in support of this, I would refer you, to a note of Professor Sheridan in his commentary on the Federation Constitution on the words, "If the Federation Government is satisfied" in Article 16. He notes, Sir, that

"There is no judicial review of decisions of the Federal Government.".

In an earlier note on Article 14 of the Constitution, he draws attention to the fact:

"... that the decision of the Federal Government under Part III shall not be subject to appeal or review in any court."

Mr Speaker, Sir, it must be obvious to anybody who has made a detailed and careful study of the citizenship laws in the Federation that there must he a large number of Indians and Chinese who were horn in -the States of the Federation outside Penang and Malacca before Merdeka Day who are still not qualified under Federation citizenship laws for an automatic grant of Federation citizenship.

This is so in spite of the fact that they were born before Merdeka Day in associated States of what became, after the 31st August, 1957, the independent sovereign State of the Federation of Malaya.

The jus soli is acknowledged as being operative in the Federation only on and, after Merdeka Day. In a note on this article. Sir, Professor Sheridan says -

Mr David Marshall: On a point of clarification. Sir.

Mr Byrne resumed his seat.

Mr David Marshall: I am indebted to the hon. Member. May I point out that that is not correct'? The jus soli applies to all those born in Penang and Malacca before Merdeka Day. They became Federal citizens under the Federation of Malaya Agreement and they became Federal citizens under the Constitution by virtue of Article XIV.

Mr Byrne: Mr Speaker, this is the actual note of Professor Sheridan. I am referring to Article XIV of the Federation Constitution, and I have the notes of Professor Sheridan on Article XIV, and he says, -

Mr Speaker: Order. Would the Minister identify the book for the record?

Mr Byrne: I refer to "The Federation Constitution," by L. A. Sheridan. Page 24. It is a general note under his comments on Article XIV of the Constitution. He says:

"There is no omnibus provision for citizenship by operation of law for those born within the Federation before Merdeka Day."

Mr David Marshall rose -

Mr Speaker: Order. Will the Minister give way?

Mr Byrne resumed his seat.

Mr David Marshall: I am much obliged. I was pointing out, Sir, that the Constitution makes Federal citizens of all those who were Federation citizens before Merdeka Day, and Article 125, as amended, of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948 and 1952, by virtue of subsection (b) says:

"Any citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies born before, on or after the prescribed date, that is to say, 15th September, 1952, in either of the Settlements becomes by operation of law a citizen of the Federation."

So all who were born in Penang and Malacca before Merdeka Day were, by virtue of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, Federal citizens, and by virtue of Article XIV, became citizens of the Federation.

Mr Byrne: I will accept that. Mr Speaker, Sir, this being so, if we were to c]aim automatic Federation citizenship for all persons born in Singapore on merger, is it reasonable for us to believe that the Federation Parliament, which is responsible to the people of the Federation, would agree to grant the Singapore-born more favourable terms than it has been prepared to concede-to those who were born in the associated States of the Federation, outside Malacca and Penang, before Merdeka Day and who are not eligible for an automatic grant of Federal citizenship.

Even if we were able to persuade the Federation Parliament to grant more favourable terms to our local-born by asking that they should be accorded the same citizenship terms as those accorded to persons born in Penang and Malacca under the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, as amended by the (Amendment) Ordinance of 1952, could this not be construed to be selling out the political rights of the larger number of Singapore citizens who have acquired Singapore citizenship by residence? And, Sir, if the Federation Parliament has not granted automatic Federation citizenship to persons born in the associated States of the Federation, outside Penang and Malacca, would it be reasonable to expect the Federation Parliament to grant automatic citizenship rights to persons who have only acquired citizenship rights in Singapore by residence?

Dr Sheng Nam Chin rose -

Mr Speaker: On a point of order?

Dr Sheng Nam Chin: On a point of clarification.

Mr Speaker: If the Minister will give way.

Mr Byrne resumed his seat.

Dr Sheng Nam Chin: Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to ask the Hon, the Minister for Health and Law whether he is representing the people of Singapore or representing the people of the Federation?

Mr Speaker: Order. That is not a point of clarification. That may be a point of argument. If the hon. Member wants clarification on the legal treatise which we are being treated to, he may seek it.

Mr Byrne: Mr Speaker, Sir, it has been stated in this House that we have sold out on the people of Singapore because we have failed to make an uncompromising demand for automatic Federation citizenship. Mr Speaker, Sir, I put this argument to the Barisan Sosialis for their serious consideration.

Mr Speaker, the Member for Queenstown went to great lengths speaking on our Singapore citizenship laws. We agree that it is true that there is a large number of people in Singapore who are either Singapore citizens by birth or who have obtained Singapore citizenship by virtue of their long residence here. Most of them very likely have had residence of 15 and more years. That is all accepted by us.

Can we, however, reasonably expect the Federation Parliament to grant our citizens more favourable terms than they are prepared to grant to their own local-born. This is the point at issue.

It is obvious, Sir, that under the provisions of Articles 4 and 22 of the Federation Constitution. special arrangements would have to be made on citizenship at the time of merger.

An hon. Member: What articles?

Mr Byrne: I am sorry. Articles 2 and 22. Mr Speaker, on Article 22, there is a note on page 30 of Sheridan's commentaries. It says:

"Presumably this is a transitional provision relating to the connection these persons have with the territories before its admission to the Federation."

And it says thereafter:

'The matter is presumably governed by Article 8 (1) and the non-transitional provisions of Chapter 1 of Part III.

The non-transitional provisions are Article 14 of the Federation Constitution.'

Mr Speaker, Sir, it is the argument of the Barisan Sosialis that if all our 624,000 Singapore citizens were to become Federal citizens, we would have, on the basis of counting heads, about 25 to 30 seats in the Central Legislature. Sir, do they seriously suggest that political representation in electoral areas is determined just by the counting of heads of those who are eligible to vote? There are in this House, Sir, Members returned from the rural areas which are more than 20 times the size of some of the city constituencies and where the eligible voters are about half the number of some of the very small but compact city constituencies. Yet their representation in this House is equal. Has the Barisan Sosialis ever claimed that this was unfair and unequal representation?

Similarly in the Federation, only about 26.5 per cent of the estimated total population of 6.7 million is urbanised: the rest of the population is thinly distributed outside the urban areas. Because of the geography and the distribution of population in the Federation, the electoral areas have had to be fairly distributed between the small compact and more heavily populated urban areas and the larger and more thinly populated rural areas. A fair and just balance has had to be worked out. If political representation were to he worked out on the basis of just counting the heads of those who are eligible to vote, then it would mean that there would be vast tracts of Federation territory where there are sizeable populations who would be deprived of political rights. Mr Speaker, Sir, there were 2,240,000 registered voters in the Federation for the general election of 1959 and the number of voters increased to 2,310,000 in March 1960. A figure of 2,345,000 was forecast for March 1961. Mr Speaker, Sir, as a matter of interest, I have all the facts and figures from the official Year Book of the Federation of Malaya, 1961.

The present House of Representatives of the Federation has a membership of 104 and this is to be reduced to 100 when the next general election takes place in spite of the fact that the voting population has been estimated to increase by 105,000 from the last general election to March this year.

In Singapore itself there are constituencies, as I have said just now, of larger size with smaller voting populations which enjoy equal representation to smaller and more compact constituencies with larger voting populations.

Similar conditions are reproduced in the Federation. On this basis, it does not follow that if the electorate of the Federation is increased by another 624,000 on the basis of the automatic citizenship proposals of the Barisan Sosialis, there must -be a proportionate increase in the number of seats. There are other factors, Sir, which must also be considered.

Mr David Marshall rose -

Mr Speaker: Is it on a point of order?

Mr David Marshall: A point of clarification, Sir.

Mr Speaker: If the Minister will give way.

Mr Byrne resumed his seat.

Mr David Marshall: Indeed, he is being very good, Sir. May I draw attention to Article 116 of the Constitution, which specifically provides for that very condition: that you must give proportionate representation to each area in accordance with the number of voters.

Mr Byrne: Mr Speaker, Sir, there are other factors which must also be considered. In the Federation, the urbanised population amounts to 26.5 per cent of the total population. In Singapore conditions are the reverse. There is a relatively smaller population in the rural areas and a larger concentration of population in the city area, of about five square miles in a total area of 220 square miles.

We would have to have regard to the relation of the total number of seats in the urbanised areas to the total number of seats in the non-urbanised areas of the Federation, and if only voting heads were to be counted on the basis of the Barisan Sosialis proposals, it would upset the present electoral arrangements in the Federation and give an unfair advantage to the urbanised areas of the integrated territories at the expense of the non-urbanised areas. These are weighty considerations which the Barisan Sosialis have deliberately chosen to overlook in pressing their claim for proportionate representation.

Mr Speaker: Order. It may be a convenient time to suspend?

Mr Byrne: Yes.

Mr Speaker: I will take the Chair again at 6.00 p.m.

Sitting accordingly suspended at 5.30 p.m. until 6.00 p.m. Sitting resumed at 6.00 p.m.