WEST IRIAN

Dr Lee Siew Choh (Queenstown): Mr Speaker, Sir, mention was made in the House the other night of the mass rally held by the Barisan Sosialis in Geylang Serai nearly two weeks ago, when more than 10,000 people gathered together to voice their support for the Indonesian demand for the liberation of West Irian. This followed our Barisan Sosialis Press statement on 28th December, 1961, in which we made it abundantly clear that we are completely with the Indonesian people in their hopes and aspirations on this issue, because West Irian is a clear-cut example of remnant colonialism in this part of the world. Here the Dutch colonialists have hoped to perpetuate their colonial rule by force of arms, occupying a part of Indonesian territory in spite of their having recognised the independence of Indonesia and having transferred sovereignty to the Indonesian Government in December 1949. It is no wonder, therefore, that since then repeated calls have been made by Indonesian leaders to drive the Dutch colonialists from their homeland and to regain in toto Indonesian territorial integrity.

Sir, the campaign to liberate West Irian has recently been stepped up, after patience has been exhausted. The Indonesian Government have now shown beyond doubt their determination to achieve their objective this time. Efforts have been made in the past by well-wishers, including the Federation Government, to bring the disputing parties - the Dutch and the Indonesian Governments - together to an amicable agreement regarding the transfer of sovereignty of West Irian from the Dutch to the Indonesian Government. So far no fruitful result has come about. The dispute has also gone up to the Unit-ed Nations on many occasions since 1954. But to this day, the issue is still not yet settled.

Sir, Indonesia is a foreign country and we have no wish to meddle in the affairs of a foreign country. But Indonesia is also our neighbour. Living so close together, we in Malaya cannot but be influenced and affected by events that take place only a stone's throw, as it were, from our shores. Just as events from the Federation will affect our everyday life in Singapore, so events in Indonesia will similarly affect us here. But it is more than neighbourly affection and sympathy that has prompted us to move this motion before the House today. We move this motion today, Sir, because the struggle of the Indonesian people is not merely a struggle of the Indonesians themselves. It is not an isolated struggle but a part of the global struggle of oppressed peoples against colonial domination. It is only a chain in the events of historical developments now unfolding before the world. As you know, Sir, colonialism is the scourge of the modern world. It gives cover to the practice of racial discrimination and exploitation and to the practice of injustices and inequalities on subject peoples. But since the turn of the century and especially so since World Wars I and II, people all over the world have awakened from their slumber in increasing numbers; and under the relentless pressure of the tide of nationalism and self-determination of the awakening masses, colonialism is gradually forced on the retreat all over the world. More and more countries are regaining their dignity and self-respect. More and more countries are gaining their independence, and more and more countries are today represented in the forum of the United Nations. But though colonialism is on the retreat, it will not retreat of its own accord. It will only retreat under relentless pressure from the anti-colonial forces. We have vividly seen colonialism fighting last-ditch battles against the rising tide of nationalism and anti-colonialism. For example, in what was formerly French Indo-China, it was the utter defeat at Dien Bien Phu which finally forced the French to retreat from the Far East. Recently in Goa, it was the strength of t-he Indian people after more than four centuries of colonial exploitation that finally lowered the Portuguese flag on Indian soil. But in Indonesia, the Dutch are still holding out, still clinging on leech-like at the expense of the Indonesian people. It is obvious that Dutch colonialism has not learnt the bitter lessons of history or, with stubborn stupidity, have chosen to ignore such lessons,

Sir, not so long ago the Dutch themselves were subjected to the same humiliating experience of having to live under the heel of Fascist hordes. Their own struggle for freedom should have been an object lesson to the colonialists and should have brought home to them that of all basic human rights, one of the most important is the inherent right of peoples to be free. Instead, the Dutch now practise suppression themselves. The Dutch must realise that the tide of anti-colonial sentiment is now enveloping all Afro-Asia and Latin America. But now because of their stupid obstinacy to see the writing on the wall, an explosive situation has developed and is still developing in West Irian. Surely the Dutch colonialist must know that t-he course of world history cannot be held back by the intransigence of the imperialists. Today, Sir, the Indonesian people have decided on the liberation of West Irian. In their struggle to recover West Irian, in their struggle to bring it back to the fold of their fatherland, the Indonesian people will have to contend with stiff, strong opposition from the Dutch colonialists, backed by other colonial and pro-colonial forces. We all know that Holland is a staunch member of the Western bloc and we have no doubt that SEATO will be alerted for possible intervention in an effort to frustrate the Indonesian nationalist attempt to recover West Irian. We have no doubt that the Dutch stand on the issue of West Irian has won them the support and sympathy of the Western powers. Already we have witnessed the eagerness of the Australian Government to come to the rescue of the Dutch. Headlines on the 12th of January this year tell us that 83,000 men in Australia are virtually on call for service in West Irian if required. We can see, therefore, that the Indonesian struggle will not be against the Dutch alone, but also against the combined might of colonialism in this part of the world. It will therefore not be an easy struggle. It is for this reason, Sir, that we admire the courage and determination of the Indonesian people. They have refused to be cowed by the show of superior force of warships and jet fighters of the Dutch colonial diehards. Sir, such a show of superior arms does not hide the fact that, at the most, the imperialists can only delay the day of final reckoning. The strength, the will and the determination of the people to be free become an irresistible force that cannot be stopped. Of course, in expressing our sympathy for the anti-colonial movement, we are also expressing the hopes and aspirations of our people in Singapore. Singapore is still a colony. We have only incomplete internal self-government. We shall, therefore, look forward to the day when we too shall be free. As the Federation has indicated that full merger is not possible, we must therefore think of our next milestone in constitutional advance -

The Minister for Culture (Mr S. Rajaratnam): Take up arms!

Dr Lee Siew Choh: The next step will take place in the constitutional talks in 1963 -

Mr Speaker: Order, I think the Member for Queenstown must agree with me that he is now departing completely from the motion before the House. He is opening out a debate on the next constitutional step Singapore should take. I do not think that is within the ambit of the motion unless he can persuade me that it is.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: I merely mention it in passing. I have no intention of going further into it. As regards the motion before the House, Sir, no right-thinking man can disagree with the sentiments expressed in this motion. All admire the courage and determination of peoples who struggle to be free; and the tougher the struggle, the more we admire such courage -

The Minister for Finance (Dr Goh Keng Swee): Join them!

Dr Lee Siew Choh: As a semi-colony we do not have control of foreign affairs and we cannot interfere in matters that touch on foreign relations. But you will agree with me, Sir, that no one can stop us from expressing sympathy and admiration for the heroic struggle of a friendly neighbour, or of any people for that matter. As a people who have experienced and are still experiencing colonial domination, we know full well the anguish, the bitterness, the frustration and the humiliation experienced by oppressed people. We share their common hope for the abolition of hunger, poverty, ignorance and disease. We share their common hope for peace, progress, prosperity, equality, justice and democracy. And we share their common hope for a better society, a better livelihood for the people, and an increase in material and cultural advancement for all mankind. Hence our sympathy for the heroic struggle of the Indonesian people against colonial exploitation.

Sir, it is heartening to know that there is already indirect or maybe even direct contact between the Dutch and the Indonesian Governments through the help of intermediaries. Let us hope that such contact this time will bring about fruitful negotiations that will lead to a lessening of international tension and to a final peaceful solution to the West Irian dispute, especially now that self-determination has been promised the Papuans by the Indonesian Government. This, however, must not mean that if the Indonesian nationalists are compelled by the recalcitrant Dutch colonialists to abandon the peaceful method of solution, we should condemn the Indonesians for using force and so support the Dutch. We have seen how even Nehru's patience was exhausted by the obstinate Portuguese colonialists. Let those who call for a peaceful settlement of the West Irian issue bear in mind that it is not the Indonesian people who want to use force. Let them remember that the Dutch are holding on to West Irian by force. If there is anyone who should stop using force right now, then it is the Dutch and not the Indonesian people.

Sir, yesterday's and today's news have already confirmed the earlier reports that the first shots have been fired. The Dutch have claimed that they acted in self-defence and have captured 50 Indonesian prisoners. But the Indonesian spokesman has made it quite clear that it was not the Indonesians but the Dutch who fired first and that the incident definitely occurred outside Dutch-claimed territorial waters.

Sir, whichever version we may accept, the grim fact is that the situation can worsen and can further deteriorate. War or peace we in Malaya are bound to be affected and we can only hope that saner counsel may yet prevail before it becomes too late.

Sir, I repeat, we all love peace and want peace, and we hope and want to have peaceful settlements to all disputes whenever possible. But it takes two parties to come to a peaceful settlement. Already there are threats of "racial war" and of white and coloured conflict coming from people who believe in racial discrimination. This has been countered by equally stern warnings of "last-peace-offers" from the Indonesians to the Dutch. In the midst of all this, it is indeed unfortunate that another attempt has been made on the life of President Soekarno. I am sure the House will join with me in condemning such barbaric activities which can only add fuel to this dispute and which might well render unavoidable a conflagration that the whole world hopes will not take place in spite of the first shots having been fired.

We realise, Sir, that merely passing a resolution in this House will not materially help the Indonesians in their struggle against imperialist domination. But we are on the side of the righteous struggle for justice and the struggle for the basic rights of nations. We therefore would like to add our small voice to the forum of world opinion of more than half the people of the world in support of the Indonesian people to liberate West Irian.

Sir, like the motion in support of the Algerian people and the motion in condemnation of the murder of Lumumba, our resolution will merely be a gesture; but, Sir, it is a gesture full of meaning because the struggle of the Indonesian people is, in truth, a part of the world struggle of oppressed peoples against colonial and imperialist domination. Let the Western powers remember that the winds of change are sweeping across the continents. Let them not, through a stupid refusal to read the times correctly, turn the winds of change into typhoons or hurricanes of devastation and destruction. Let us hope that those "first shots" will become the "last shots".

Sir, for our part, we can only confine ourselves to an expression of friendship to our friends and neighbours. We urge the people of Singapore to give their wholehearted support to the Indonesian people in their herioc and courageous struggle against colonial domination. Here we are encouraged to see that Malaya will not be used by any nation if hostilities should break out. In addition, Sir, as leaders of political Parties and Legislative Assemblymen, we have also our duties and responsibilities to our people. We should not only reflect and express public opinion but we should also take a lead in expressing public Opinion. We feel sure that no one can quarrel with our expression of sympathy with oppressed peoples in their struggle against colonial domination and we are glad to note that even the P.A.P. has expressed support for the Indonesian struggle in principle.

Mr Rajaratnam: A year ago.

An hon. Member: Long ago.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: Under the circumstances, we hope all Parties in this House, whether on the Government or the Opposition side, will join in voting for our motion. Let me conclude, Sir, by quoting from the resolution adopted by more than 10,000 people at the mass rally in Geylang Serai two Sundays ago.

"We the people of Singapore join in the cry of the Indonesian people for the liberation of Irian Barat. We must strengthen the unity of all peoples who love peace, particularly those who have struggled or are still struggling against colonial domination, for we are united by a common colonial heritage and experience, by a greater understanding of the reality of freedom, and by a common sense of suffering and endeavour. Support Indonesia's demand for the liberation of Irian Barat."

Sir, I beg to move,

That this House, taking cognizance of the heroic struggle of the Indonesian people to liberate Irian Barat from colonial rule, expresses admiration for the determination and courage of the Indonesian people and expresses full sympathy with their hopes and aspirations, and calls upon the people of Singapore to give their wholehearted support to our neighbours and friends, the people of Indonesia, in their just and legitimate struggle against colonial domination.

Question proposed.

6.55 p.m.

Mr Rajaratnam: Mr Speaker. Sir, there are really two approaches to this motion on the West Irian issue. One is in terms of Indonesian politics and Indonesian aspirations. The other is in terms of the increasing difficulties and apprehensions of the Barisan Sosialis in search of a gimmick. It is necessary for us to keep in mind these two aspects of the motion: the West Irian issue in relation to Indonesia: and the West Irian issue as it has repercussions in Singapore and in so far as it acts as a vitamin pill to restore the waning vigour of political forces which have already passed in so short a time from a juvenile to a senile stage.

Sir, insofar as it concerns the Indonesian people, the P.A.P. has made its stand clear long before the West Irian issue came into prominence nearly two years ago. The P.A.P.'s stand on the West Irian issue was contained in a joint statement made by the Prime Minister and Indonesia's First Minister Djuanda when the Prime Minister paid a visit to Indonesia. This recognition of the validity of Indonesia's claim to West Irian, as far as this Government is concerned, is based on the same principles and arguments which have led many of us to support the liberation of Malaysia from colonial rule. That is why, Sir, we find it a little more than odd that the Barisan Sosialis, who are fighting Malaysia tooth and nail on a different principle, should have at the same time come forward as fervent champions of merger of West Irian with Indonesia. What are the principles and reasons to justify our contention that West Irian is an integral part of Indonesia and that the Dutch should retreat gracefully and peacefully from the territory of West Irian? It has been contended by the Dutch that West Irian is linguistically, culturally, racially and geographically distinct from the rest of Indonesia, and that the ultimate destiny of West Irian is to become a separate self-governing State under the trusteeship and tutelage of the Dutch. The Dutch objective is self-determination for West Irian. The Dutch colonialists say they cannot hand over West Irian to the Indonesians without having first ascertained the wishes of the Papuans, the people of West Irian - whether they want to be part of Indonesia, whether they want to merge with Indonesia, and whether they want to exchange Dutch rule for Indonesian rule.

Now, Sir, one would have thought

Dr Sheng Nam Chin (Nee Soon): You are quoting the Barisan.

Mr Rajaratnam: Yes, Sir, I am quoting the Barisan Sosialis. Sir, one would have thought that these arguments by the Dutch colonialists would have appealed to the sense of logic of the Barisan Sosialis, because they have used the same argument to oppose merger and Malaysia. Are we not handing over British colonies in North Borneo to the Tunku without first consulting the people, the people being defined as the frightened and desperate men of the Barisan Sosialis? But in the case of West Irian, there is no mention by the Barisan Sosialis about consulting the people of West Irian. No question is being asked whether internal security will be in the hands of the people of West Irian or of the Central Government of Indonesia. There is no demand that elections should first be held in West Irian to determine whether the Papuans do or do not want to merge with Indonesia.

Far from insisting on such conditions, the Barisan Sosialis, not only in this Chamber but also outside, are ready to support a military invasion of West Irian by Indonesia. In fact, Sir, the Member for Queenstown told us earlier that there was a rally at which 10,000 people were present. As far as I know - and it was checked up - the figures quoted by the newspapers (both the English and the Chinese) are stated to be between 5,000 and 6,000. And by the time the Member for Queenstown ended his speech, he made fresh calculations and said that there were more than 10,000 people. So in half an hour the figure had slightly increased.

Not only that, Sir, but more important - apart from saying that the Indonesians (and we believe quite rightly) are entitled to take West Irian by force if necessary, the Barisan Sosialis supporters, who want to show that they support a forceful taking-over of West Irian by Indonesia, have volunteered to fight for the liberation of West Irian. Sir, as an indication, we had in the Straits Times of 4th January, 1962, a picture and a story of three Singapore women enlisting for the West Irian invasion.

"We want to eradicate colonialism from the face of Asia," says trio.

Three young Singapore women, including a mother of four, today enlisted for service with Indonesian forces against the Dutch in West Irian.'

Sir, we are impressed with very courageous women enlisting for service in West Irian, especially seeing a photograph of three women prepared to volunteer for service in West Irian. This only goes to show that the spirit of chivalry is not dead among the Barisan Sosialis males. They believe in women and children first.

Sir, the Government has made it quite clear in a statement issued that it has no wish to put any hindrance in the way of any Barisan Sosialis men or women who may wish to participate in the armed battle for the liberation of West Irian. All we ask of the Member for Queenstown is that he should concede to us non-violent, unromantic stay-at-homes the privilege of liberating Singapore and the Borneo territories from British rule by peaceful constitutional means. I say this, Sir, because I know that the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis, in a speech delivered during a mass rally in support of West Irian, which, according to the Member for Queenstown, drew 10,000 people but which, according to other more reliable witnesses, amounted to between 5,000 and 6,000, drew for us at this meeting what he called the lessons to be learnt from the West Irian and Goa issues. One of the things he said is that in the constitutional game there is a lesson to be drawn from the West Irian struggle, which was put across to what we say "between 5,000 and 6,000 people" but which the Member for Queenstown says amounted to 10,000 people. He said - I quote from the Straits Times of 8th January:

`West Irian, they said, was the symbol of Western domination in Asia and the Western powers were therefore keenly interested in preserving this ugly symbol of their past glory.

"We realise that the moment is coming when we too will receive the support and help of other peace-loving people to free us from colonial domination," he said.

Mr Lim called on the people of Singapore to draw a lesson from the West Irian and Goa issues.'

This is what he said:

"Let us not for one moment believe that forces sympathetic to Western imperialism want to assist us in our struggle."

"Colonialism cannot be ended by any form of constitutional imposition,".'

"cannot be ended by any form of constitutional imposition". I was not quite clear what it meant. So I got somebody to translate the same article from the Nanyang Siang Pau of the same day. I will just give the translation which is a hit more extensive:

`"Colonialism cannot be ended [says Mr Lim] by depending on constitutional arrangement from the top to the bottom ... In our struggle it is stupid to line up with pro-colonial forces.... Playing about with constitutions is useless.".'

Mr Speaker: I trust the Minister is not going to embark on a debate on that because that has nothing to do with the motion. That is quite a separate issue. The motion deals strictly with West Irian.

Mr Rajaratnam: Mr Speaker, Sir, I want to draw the lesson that this motion put forward by the Barisan Sosialis wants to convey to the people of Singapore. This motion, as the Member for Queenstown says, has certain implications for the people of Singapore. I want to convey to you, Sir, what the real implications of this motion are, in so far as it relates to Singapore. Is it really necessary for the people to know that? What the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis is trying to do is to tell the people of Singapore that the West Irian lesson is simple - that if you want to carry forward the anti-colonial struggle, do not play about with the constitutional struggle. "Constitutions are useless." The implication is quite clear, Sir. If you want to carry forward what they call the anti-colonial struggle in Singapore and in the Borneo territories, obviously other means are called for. It is very important that we should not allow this motion to be approved without our making it quite clear that we are not drawing the same lesson from that motion as the Barisan leaders want the people of Singapore to draw.

At least it is quite clear to us, Sir, and it is significant to Singapore that some Barisan Sosialis members are growing weary of the constitutional struggle. Many of them may believe, as Communists do believe, that power must eventually emerge from the barrel of a gun. That may be the lesson that the Barisan Sosialis is drawing from the West Irian issue. But our advice to them is that this is a most disastrous lesson for them to draw. Whatever justifications there may be for the Indonesians to use force for the liberation of West Irian, there is none in Singapore or in Malaya or Malaysia. In fact, Sir, in the course of the same speech, the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis made another equally significant observation - I quote again from the Straits Times of 8th January. This is what he said:

"`We realise that the moment is coming..."',

this is in connection with the West Irian rally,

`"... the moment is coming when we too will receive the support and help of other peace-loving people to free us from colonial domination,"'.

Sir, for many of us, the term "peace-loving people" might have the obvious meaning. But for a Communist cadre, the term "peace-loving people" has a specific and precise meaning. If you read any Communist document or publication, when they refer to "peace-loving people", it is a term they use for countries which are Communist. So if we read it not as people who are not well versed in the Communist jargon but as trained Communists would read it, we realise that "the moment is coming when we too will receive the support and help of other peace-loving people of other Communist countries to free us from colonial domination." These are the lessons, Sir, which the pro-Communist elements in the Barisan Sosialis want to put across to their followers by using the West Irian issue as a cover -

An hon. Member: You sound like McCarthy!

Mr Rajaratnam: Whether or not that sounds like McCarthy - this is the term; here are the quotations - what does the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis mean when he says that the constitutional struggle is useless?

"Non-Communist, democratic, socialist Malaya." He believes in struggling for this kind of a Malaya by constitutional means. Here is the man who says it is useless. And in relation to West Irian, the lesson is quite obvious. The other statement, "other peace-loving people, other peace-loving countries which will come to our assistance." Whose assistance? Therefore, Sir, though we are in support of the motion, we must make it quite clear that the lessons we draw from the West Irian issue are not the lessons that the Barisan Sosialis and their mentors want to put across to their followers, to their cadres and their organisations.

The real lesson that we should draw from West Irian for Singapore is not that constitutions are useless but that it is impossible for the Communists to halt the unification of territories which the retreating colonial powers had administered for so long as a coherent economic and political unit. Sir, political boundaries are man-made, though the making of them may follow no precise and accepted rules. They are established by many means; by settlement, by invasion, by conquest, by sale and transfer, and by many other ways. In Asia the boundaries of many nation States are those established by the colonial powers which exercised dominion over them. What we call India on Burma or Malaya or Indonesia are comprised within boundaries largely drawn up by the colonial powers that ruled over these territories. For example, Sir, the history and boundaries of Malaya or of Indonesia would have been different if these territories had come, say, under the rule of the British or under the rule of the Dutch. But because the British happened to carve up Malaya, Singapore upwards: the Dutch starting from Sumatra to West Irian; therefore, the boundaries of what we call Indonesia, and what we call Malaya have been defined for us by the colonial powers. Therefore, though boundaries cannot be logically defined, nobody can say why Malaya should comprise Singapore and the Federation, or why Malaysia should comprise Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories. We start off by accepting that at any given time the boundaries of a State today are those which have been established as States or colonies which have become independent or are going to become independent. The boundaries are those which were there when the colonial power was administering these countries as a single unit. Such a unit may have embraced a diversity of races and cultures, but the fact that the colonial power had administered it for decades or centuries as an integrated unit has encouraged nationalists who have taken over from the colonial power to regard the colonial frontiers as the national frontiers. The colonial frontiers become the national frontiers. The evacuating colonial powers, on the other hand, when they were forced to, have given up dominion over a colonial territory and have gone in for dismemberment of their former empires into new and often contending States. That has happened in India, in Indo-China, in Indonesia and in Malaya.

7.20 p.m.

[Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Mammen) in the Chair]

Mr Rajaratnam: Such Balkanisation of former colonial territories when they gained independence invariably resulted in the emergence of weak and unstable States and therefore, far from becoming independent by dismemberment, by Balkanisation, they become more amenable to control either by the evacuating colonial power or by any other power which is stronger than any of the individual units which form part of a more integrated territory. That is one of the reasons why genuine nationalists have always resisted such Balkanisation because they quite rightly believe that in the modern world - I can quite realise, Sir, why the Members of the Barisan Sosialis find some amusement because it is increasingly quite clear to them that they are precisely in the position where the Dutch are in relation to West Irian. They are the ones who refused merger, as Singapore and Malaya were divided by the British.

Mr S. T. Bani (Thomson): How silly can you become?

Mr Deputy Speaker: Order.

Mr Rajaratnam: Sir, when we come to the issue on Malaysia, we are going to reveal how silly the Member for Thomson can become. Sir, as far as the West Irian issue is concerned, they are a bit uncomfortable because the Barisan Sosialis are the Dutchmen of Singapore and Malaya. The fact is that they have brought up the motion on West Irian with their tongues in their cheeks.

An hon. Member: It is something funny!

Mr Rajaratnam: Sir, I am hoping that very soon there will be 13-12, I am sorry, Sir, a lady is there - 12 empty seats here as the gentlemen march off to West Irian, unless, of course, Sir, as has been the custom of the Barisan Sosialis, they believe in using the women first. When we had trouble in the community centres, the women were out to fight. Fortunately, Sir, we took the precaution of sending women police. But the nationalists have for this reason always resisted Balkanisation and fragmentation of former colonies by the colonial powers on the pretext of self-determination for this or that ethnic, religious or cultural group, because once you accept that every ethnic, cultural or racial group in a colonial territory should be asked its opinion, should be allowed self-determination first, then there is no end to it. We can start off with Singapore. Geylang Serai probably can ask for self-determination because they say that area is constituted by a particular ethnic group, with particular religious, cultural and racial affinities, and therefore, Geylang Serai must be given autonomy. The Member for Havelock can claim that Havelock should be given autonomy because it comprises a certain section of clans from China who speak slightly different dialects from those in the neighbouring constituency of Hong Lim, and so on. There is no end to arguments that can be brought forward to justify self-determination for this or that group in a colonial unit when, in fact, the colonial power has administered that political unit as one unit for hundreds of years.

So the Dutch can, when they say that West Irian is something separate. Of course, logically you can say so. These people are different. But the same argument which can be used for giving self-determination to West Irian can also be used for isolating Celebes or Bali. But the fact is that they do not do so because in the case of Celebes and Bali, they were accepted as integral parts of Indonesia simply because they had been administered as parts of Indonesia by the Dutch. On the other hand, Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories have not been regarded as parts of Indonesia because they had been administered as territorial units of the British Empire.

Therefore, in unqualified support of the Indonesian claim that West Irian is part of Indonesia, the Barisan Sosialis are conceding to the Indonesians what they refuse to the Malayan nationalists. They are prepared to volunteer -

The Prime Minister: Only girls are prepared!

Mr Rajaratnam: - for service in West Irian and help take over West Irian by force and therefore prevent quite rightly, the Balkanisation and weakening of the unit that once formed part of the Dutch Empire. But when it comes to creating Malaysia by retaining the administrative and the economic unity created by the British, the Barisan Sosialis are all for Balkanisation. Is it because they want to see the Malaysian States weakened and impoverished simply because they see no prospect of a Communist take-over of this area?

In the case of Indonesia, the Barisan Sosialis, quite rightly, support the consolidation and reunification of territories formerly under Dutch rule into a strong national State.

But for their own country, these Malayan patriots, these Dutchmen of Singapore, suggest Balkanisation. There are no Barisan volunteers to help liberate Malaysia from colonial rule - not even the men from the Barisan Sosialis - and more important, to liberate it peacefully and constitutionally. We are not asking for volunteers to come out in uniforms. We say we want volunteers who can help bring about Malaysia without any head being broken, without anybody having to go to somebody else's funeral. We are suggesting the liberation of Malaysia peacefully and constitutionally. But the Barisan Sosialis have spent the best part of many months sabotaging the retention of units which at least under the British were administered as a single political, economic and cultural unit. So we want to know, for whom are the Barisan Sosialis keeping Malaysia balkanised and weak?

Dr Goh Keng Swee: The Communist Party.

Mr Rajaratnam: It is quite clear what the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis means when he says that the constitutional struggle is useless, and then keeps up the flagging spirits of the Barisan Sosialis followers who are beginning to realise that perhaps this time they have launched out on an adventure from which there is no return. Sir, you can volunteer for West Irian and get a return ticket; but in this adventure there is no return ticket and, therefore, it is necessary for the Secretary-General of the Barisan Sosialis to keep up their spirits by saying, "Keep Malaya balkanised because we realise that the moment is coming when we (that is, not the people; the Barisan Sosialis) too will receive the support and help of other peace-loving people." I have indicated, Sir, the term "peace-loving people" when used and understood by Communists to mean countries where there is no such thing as a democratic non-Communist Socialist Malaya or the dictatorship of the proletariat and where there are no Opposition benches. So it is quite clear, Sir, that in the case of Malaysia, they are not prepared to concede the very principles which they have quite rightly conceded to the Indonesians. In the case of Malaysia, they want to keep it divided and weak. In the case of Indonesia, as I have said, quite rightly, they support the taking-over of West Irian by force, if necessary, but certainly without consultation with the Papuans, the people of West Irian. No such thing as asking whether elections are to be held first before West Irian is merged with Indonesia.

Sir, I would like to take this occasion to wish the 12 Barisan Assemblymen -

The Prime Minister: Bon voyage.

Mr Rajaratnam: Bon voyage -

Some hon. Members: Hear, hear!

Mr Rajaratnam: - in their enterprise to liberate West Irian from the Dutch, their political brothers as far as Singapore is concerned, because like the stubborn Dutchmen who do not realise that the course of history is such that no one can combat the force of nationalism, so the Barisan Sosialis too are trying to break up Malaysia when, in fact, historically, it is inevitable. I hope that in view of the fact that three women members of their Party have volunteered, the other 12 Members would also march forward to liberate West Irian -

The Prime Minister: Hear, hear! We will cheer them!

Mr Rajaratnam: - while we stay at home. We are not so adventurous. We will see to it that we liberate Singapore, Malaya and Malaysia from the colonialists. Meanwhile, Sir, whether the 12 Barisan Sosialis men volunteer or do not volunteer will not make one bit of difference to the outcome of the struggle in West Irian, because there are 90 million Indonesians, and they can liberate West Irian with or without the assistance of the 12 Barisan Assemblymen because -

The Prime Minister: Thirteen! None have died yet so far!

Dr Goh Keng Swee: One woman.

Mr Rajaratnam: Yes, one woman, Sir. As far as this struggle in West Irian is concerned, we are confident that the Indonesian people will meet with success in their effort to regain West Irian, because the reunification of West Irian with Indonesia is inevitable. Similarly, our efforts to liberate Malaysia from the British as well as from the Barisan Sosialis will be as equally successful because the emergence of Malaysia is as inevitable. Just as merger with Malaya is inevitable, so too the merger of West Irian with Indonesia will be equally inevitable.

Last thought for the Barisan Sosialis. The Dutch are making a stupid mistake when they fight against the irresistible force of nationalism. Let the Barisan Sosialis also remember that he who takes on the irresistible force of Malayan nationalism is in for a bad mauling.

7.35 p.m.

Mr Ong Eng Guan (Hong Lim): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, we in Singapore and in Malaya have certain basic problems common with Indonesia. They are the problems of the overwhelming masses of our two peoples - food, clothing, unemployment, education and housing. In the case of Indonesia, they were exploited by the Dutch colonialists. In our case, we were exploited and are still being exploited by the British colonialists. Their techniques of colonial rule might differ, but the aims are the same, i.e., the economic exploitation of the subject peoples. There is another striking similarity between our two peoples which is very interesting. As the Indonesian people are now fighting for reunification of West Irian and free Indonesia, we in Malaya are also fighting for the reunification of Singapore and Malaya. Who has brought about such an artificial separation? In Indonesia, it is the Dutch colonialists and in Malaya it is the British colonialists.

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, these are extracts of a radio speech I made over Jakarta Radio on 15th of January, 1959, and reproduced in the Sin Chew Jit Poh on the 17th of January, 1959. My speech is as follows:

'The impact of the Indonesian revolution has been felt very much in Malaya. We must thank your people for the inspiration you have given us. Singapore is at present still a British colons', but in the next few months it will be promoted to a semi-colony. As you are fighting for the reunification of West Irian and Indonesia, we are fighting in Malaya for the reunification of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya "[and for the benefit of the Prime Minister and his colleagues, a genuine reunification]." It is my belief that there should he more exchanges of visitors between our two countries such as scholars, political leaders, tourists, trade and cultural delegations, etc. Such an exchange would help much to bring about closer ties between the two countries. The masses of Singapore and Malaya are very sympathetic' -

Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Mammen): Order. I think the Member must hear in mind that we are debating a motion giving full support for the West Irian movement; not cultural and trade relations between Indonesia and Singapore. So if the Member can confine himself to the motion, it would be better.

Mr Ong Eng Guan: Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I will only take a few lines and you can rest assured that this is within the limits of the motion.

`The masses of Singapore and Malaya are very sympathetic towards the Indonesian revolution.'

The West Irian fight is a part of the Indonesian revolution. That is why I bring up the matter.

`They will not want to do anything which will hurt the bonds of friendship of the two peoples. We believe, through brotherly friendship and mutual aid, our two peoples will triumph against the common enemy and achieve ultimately a just and prosperous society.'

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, colonialism is dying out in all parts of the world. Pockets of colonialist forces in Asia and Africa are being mopped up bit by bit. We in this Assembly also expressed our anti-colonial feelings during the time when Lumumba was massacred, on the occasion of Algerian struggle for independence. We in the United People's Party also made a New Year announcement of our support of the Indian recovery of Goa from the Portuguese colonialists. Likewise we support the present Indonesian stepping-up campaign to restore West Irian back to the bosom of the Indonesian motherland.

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, West Irian has for too long been separated from Indonesia and it is high time that the people of the world rise up to support the Indonesian people in their just cause and struggle for recovery of the land which is theirs. If the Dutch do not understand the history of revolution, as they have not in the Indonesian struggle, then they should face all the consequences. Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, we hope that everyone in this Assembly will support this motion sincerely and honestly because we believe in the anti-colonial movement, and we hope, as before the Hong Lim by-election, when the cases of the Algerian motion and the Lumumba motion were brought up in this Assembly, it will receive a unanimous vote from this Assembly.

7.42 p.m.

Mr Bani: Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the stupidity and silliness of the P.A.P. logic was demonstrated by none other than the Minister for Culture in his speech just now. Sir, this is a motion on West Irian. It is not a motion on Malaysia; it is not a motion on the activities of the Malayan Communist Party and Malaya.

Mr Yong Nyuk Lin: Dutch.

Mr Bani: It is not a motion that is meant to provide opportunities for the P.A.P. to make political propaganda. However, Sir, all that the Minister for Culture was seeking to do was to show that while we support the Indonesian claim of West Irian, we oppose the reunification of Singapore and Malaya and, therefore, we are like the Dutch colonialists.

7.44 p.m.

[Mr SPEAKER in the Chair]

Mr Bani: Sir, I do not want to waste my breath answering the stupidity of this logic. I am prepared to talk at great length on the Malaysia motion. But before I discuss the motion before us, I want just to make one brief remark to dispose of this silly line of argument. Sir, there is a basic and fundamental difference between the Indonesian claim over West Irian and the P.A.P. plan for the reunification of Singapore and Malaya. It is a very simple fact. In the case of the claim of Indonesia, the Dutch do not support the claim, whereas the P.A.P. type of merger is supported by the Colonial Office. This is a very fundamental -

The Prime Minister: So the Dutch support -

Mr Speaker: Order.

Mr Bani: - point that ought to be remembered. Sir, nowhere in the history of colonialism has there been a colonial power supporting the call -

The Prime Minister rose ---

Mr Speaker: On a point of order?

The Prime Minister: On a point of information, Sir.

Mr Bani: Yes, certainly.

The Prime Minister: I was struck by the illumination thrown on this question of whether a plan is colonial or not colonial. Am I to understand from the Member for Thomson that he would call the Borneo Federation a colonial plan because it was sponsored by the British colonialists?

Mr Bani: I am not interested in arguing Malaysia over this motion at this time. The Prime Minister can raise the question when the motion dealing with Malaysia comes up and I will only be too delighted to answer.

As I have said, it is not our intention to use - [Interruption]. I hear running dogs barking, but I can understand quite well how pro-colonialist stooges ought to feel when they realise that in their attempt to compare their sort of independence with a merger plan with the Indonesian claim over West Irian, the people laugh at them. But, Sir, this is the only point I want to make to answer the Minister for Culture. I do not feel happy to call him the Minister for Culture, Sir, because -

Mr Rajaratnam: Agriculture.

Mr Bani: He cannot even qualify to be a Minister for Agriculture! But the only point is that while the British Colonial Office support the so-called liberation of Malaysia, no colonial power, let alone the British -

Mr Rajaratnam: You went to see them.

Mr Bani: - can support the claim of the Indonesian over West Irian.

The Minister for Health and Law (Mr K. M. Byrne): He has forgotten Eden Hall.

Mr Speaker: Order. I do not know why the Government Benches are flouting the Standing Order so very often. The Standing Order says that when a Member is speaking there shall be no interruptions. I have allowed interjections - yes, interjections which are perhaps pleasantries - but when interjections become a running commentary, then they are completely out of order.

An hon. Member: It is very sad!

Mr Speaker: Order. Mr Bani.

Mr Bani: Sir, West Irian is part of the Indonesian nation. This fact of course is also conceded by the P.A.P. If Irian Barat is part of Indonesia, how is it that the Dutch can still control the country and directly exploit its natural resources and the people? Sir, the obvious answer is that the Dutch are there by force. They have occupied the place by force and they have maintained control by virtue of their armed might backed to the hilt by N.A.T.O., including Britain, which supports the so-called liberation of Malaysia plan.

Sir, even today the newspapers talk of Holland's radar-equipped Neptune air-craft, heavily armed aircraft-carriers and warships that are stationed in West Irian. Under cover of their armed might, they have tried to set up a puppet State on the pretext of granting self-determination to its populace.

The Prime Minister: Hear, hear!

Mr Bani: Sir, we all have seen the dirt that came from Katanga with the disclosures of honest men who wished to see peace in this troubled world. The Indonesian people have tolerated Dutch occupation of part of their territory for more than a decade now. They have shown patience and a determined effort to avoid the use of force in their attempt to liberate their country. But this patience has been taken by the Dutch colonialists as a sign of weakness. The patience displayed by the Indonesians is only matched by that of the Indian people in their efforts to liberate Goa, Damao and Diu. Despite 15 years of attempts at a peaceful settlement, the Portuguese had adamantly refused to see reason. The only language that these colonialists understand is force. Sir, the Indians were forced to use force. Even the most Gandhian of Gandhi's disciples do not condemn the Indian action and the Minister for Culture is far, far from coming anywhere near being Ghandhi's disciple. He is more close to people like Hitler, Mussolini, etc. Sir, I have known him for a few years now and I told the Prime Minister that if there is one man - in fact, there are two, Sir - in the P.A.P. who definitely has Fascist tendencies, it is none other than the Minister for Culture. The Minister for Finance is -

Dr Goh Keng Swee: A gentleman.

Mr Bani: - coming very close to challenging the Minister for Culture.

An hon. Member: Worse.

Mr Bani: Sir, the use of force, as I have said, was forced on the Indian people just like the present build-up of armed might against the Dutch was forced upon the people of Indonesia.

Sir, the responsibility for any bloodshed and loss of lives, in my view, should rest wholly and solely on the colonial powers. Even according to' the Straits Times - which we know is a pro-colonial newspaper - the first shots were fired by the Dutch. I am sure that hon. Members of this House would not have missed reading the headlines in the Straits Times a couple of days ago. Therefore, Sir, it is absurd to condemn the Indonesian people for the talk of war to liberate Irian Barat. Sir, even at this last moment, the Indonesian people have left ample opportunity for a peaceful settlement. We fully support the Indonesians in their struggle to liberate Irian Barat. We understand their policy of open confrontation.

The Prime Minister: Why are you chaps so scared of an open confrontation?

Mr Speaker: Order.

Mr Bani: Sir, I -

Dr Goh Keng Swee: No guts.

Mr Speaker: Order. I do not know why the Government Benches are being so disorderly. That was not a pleasantry anyway.

Mr Bani: It is their disorderly mentality at work.

Mr Speaker: Order.

Mr Bani: Sir, I would urge Members on the Government side not to treat the debate on the motion before us lightly.

I am sure you will remember that when the motion on Lumumba was debated in this Assembly sometime back, the Prime Minister in moving the motion, was, in fact, making fun. Sir, we understand these people in the Government have to move motions to support the call to condemn the assassins of Lumumba, have to support the struggle of the Algerian people, have to support this and that, because if they do not do these things, they will clearly expose themselves as people who stand on the side of the colonialists [Interruption]. I urge them - perhaps as a respect to the Indonesian people

• to treat the debate on this motion seriously, as I have no doubt that the Prime Minister and the other Ministers know that the lives of thousands of people are involved. To the Indonesians, Sir, this is not a laughing matter. It is not a question of three girls volunteering. I do not know whether they are members of the Barisan Sosialis. The Minister for Culture says they are members of the Barisan Sosialis. I shall go back and find out. For all I know, this is just another line the Minister is shooting.

The Prime Minister: You mean you would be ashamed if they were.

Mr Bani: It is not a question of three women volunteering or the Government Members volunteering or the whole population of Singapore volunteering -

Dr Goh Keng Swee: Provided it is not you.

Mr Bani: - to go and help the Indonesians to liberate West Irian. I tell the Prime Minister that I am not - and he knows it - as weak-kneed and as cowardly as many of the men who are sitting on that side of the House, and I do not want, as I have said, -

Dr Goh Keng Swee: On a point of order. Is it in order to call Members weak-kneed and cowardly?

Mr Speaker: It is certainly not in order. It is completely out of order if by that expression he was referring to Members of the Assembly. The relevant Standing Order states that an expression. must be offensive and insulting. I take it that that expression was offensive and insulting and therefore I ask the Member to withdraw it.

Mr Bani: I withdraw it.

8.00 p.m.

Mr Speaker: Order. Moment of interruption.