PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE (Choice of electorate)

Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam asked the Prime Minister whether he will make a statement on his proposed plan, disclosed at the National Day Rally, to amend the Constitution to provide for the President of the Republic of Singapore to be elected by the electorate and his suggestion that the person to be elected should have held office as a Minister in the Government.

The Prime Minister: Mr Speaker, Sir, I have no further statement to make at this stage. What I could, I have said at the National Day Rally.

It is obviously not in our national interests to leave our reserves unprotected.

A small task force is studying the details, implications and consequences of the proposals for a blocking mechanism through an elected President with the power to withhold his consent before any reserves, not accumulated during the period of office of an incumbent Government, are used. When finalized, a paper will be presented to Parliament, probably after the next general elections.

Mr Jeyaretnam: Would the Prime Minister be good enough to say, considering what he said in this House in the July sitting that one must not tinker with the Constitution too often, when did he have this brain wave, after the July sitting and before the August 9 National Day? And if he did have this brain wave, did he consult any constitutional experts or advisers about this brilliant plan of his?

The Prime Minister: Sir, the subject has been discussed between me and my colleagues in Cabinet for over a period of two years.

Mr Jeyaretnam: Does the Prime Minister consider that the reserves that his Government has accumulated (and credit to them for that) are the special property of the People's Action Party?

The Prime Minister: No, Sir. I think they are the special property of the voters of Singapore against whose CPF assets these reserves are stacked.

Mr Jeyaretnam: Would the Prime Minister explain the significance of the remarks that he made at the National Day assembly that any new government - and I see that the Prime Minister is having nightmares of another government taking over - would he explain the significance of the remarks that the government that takes over should not have access to any reserves that it itself has not accumulated? Those remarks can only be significant if one assumes that the reserves so far accumulated are the special property of the People's Action Party and no other government may touch them.

The Prime Minister: Sir, I have taken note of the slant of the argument that the Member for Anson is against the reserves being blocked. I am quite sure that when the time comes, if he has the opportunity, he will be able to persuade the people of Singapore that these amendments are unnecessary.

Mr Jeyaretnam: Again, may I ask the Prime Minister, he seems to be suffering from the same malady as his Ministers, would he answer the question? Does he consider that these reserves are the special property of the People's Action Party?

Mr Speaker: He has already answered the question.

The Prime Minister: You are not listening!

Mr Jeyaretnam: Secondly, does the Prime Minister not think that these proposals are perhaps unique to Singapore or will be unique to Singapore? And may I ask him again, what constitutional theory has told him that this is possible?

The Prime Minister: Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Anson should listen to the answers he has solicited. I told him that the reserves do not belong to the People's Action Party. They belong to the people of Singapore. I have not consulted any legal experts. There are very few countries in the world that have these reserves. Therefore the question has not arisen. We can easily reduce ourselves to the state of the majority and the question will not arise. It has arisen because we are a minority, and I think it should not be beyond the ingenuity of people who have brought us into this unique position to make sure that, in so far as is humanly possible, no act of negligence or stupidity should pass unnoticed before the reserves are run down. The mechanism is quite simple, the implementation is quite complex. That is why there has been this long period of contemplation as we weigh the practical implications of our proposed methods, There will be ample opportunities for debate. There will be ample opportunities for those who oppose to say so. I believe, in the end, that such a mechanism will be in the interests of Singapore, will be passed and, if practically contrived, will not impede the effectiveness of an elected government.

Mr Jeyaretnam: Would the Prime Minister not agree that this plan, as he seems to admit, would be unique to Singapore, another first for Singapore? And since it departs from any other constitutional theory of government, it should be put to the people rather than to Parliament. And if it is to be put into practice, there should be a referendum on this.

The Prime Minister: Mr Speaker, Sir, we cross our bridges when we come to them. First, a White Paper, then a proper debate, then a referendum and many other things besides; all the processes and the procedures necessary for such an entrenched clause will be dutifully and faithfully followed.