SINGAPORE (ELECTIONS TO THE FEDERAL HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES) BILL

6.22 p.m.

Order for Second Reading read.

The Minister for Home Affairs (Mr Ong Pang Boon): Mr Speaker, Sir, I have His Excellency's consent to proceed with the Bill. I also lay upon the Table a Certificate of Urgency signed by His Excellency in respect of this Bill.

Certificate of Urgency handed in.

Mr Speaker: I take it that hon. Members have copies of the Bill with them. If any Member wishes to have another copy, he can apply to the Clerk.

The Certificate is in order. Mr Minister, please move.

Mr Ong Pang Boon: Sir, I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Section 95 of the Malaysia Bill which is attached as Annex "A" to the Malaysia Agreement and which will be presented to the Assembly on Friday, 26th July, states that Part VIII of the Federal Constitution which deals with elections shall not have effect for the purpose of election of Members of the House of Representatives from Singapore until the second general election to that House held after Malaysia Day, and those Members shall be elected as may be provided by any law passed by the Legislature of Singapore with the concurrence of' the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, including any laws so passed before Malaysia Day, and the period for which they are elected should be the period until the second dissolution of Parliament after Malaysia Day. Therefore, Singapore elected representatives to the Federal Parliament will, under normal circumstances, represent the people of Singapore in the first and second Malaysian Parliament.

One of the preambles to the Singapore (Elections to the Federal House of Representatives) Bill, 1963, states that it has been agreed that 15 Members of the House of Representatives should be elected from Singapore in such manner as may be determined by the Legislature of Singapore with the concurrence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Section 9 of the Malaysia Bill lays down that there will be 15 Members from Singapore in the House of Representatives. There will, therefore, be no nomination of the 15 Members from amongst the present Members of the Legislative Assembly. There will be elections and those elected will serve until the second dissolution of Parliament after Malaysia Day.

Section 95 (2) of the Malaysia Bill also provides that the delimitation of constituencies by the Elections Commission will not apply to the first elections of Members of the House of Representatives from Singapore. This delimitation of constituencies in connection with the first elections will be under the provisions of section 8 of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance.

Mr Speaker, Sir, this Bill provides for the election of these 15 Members and proposes that the manner and procedure of these elections shall follow that of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance with the amendments and modifications as set out in the Schedule to the Bill. Provision is also made to empower the Minister to make further amendments and modifications to the Rules and Regulations made under the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance which may appear necessary for the purpose of elections under this Bill.

Clause 1 of the Bill provides that the Ordinance shall come into operation on such a day as the Yang di-Pertuan Negara may by notification in the Gazette appoint.

Clause 2 provides that the elections should be held at any time after the coming into operation of this Ordinance, as decided by the Yang di-Pertuan Negara.

Clause 3 refers to the manner and procedure of the elections which I have already mentioned.

Clause 4 provides that the Electoral Registers prepared under the Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance shall be conclusive evidence of a person's entitlement to vote at the elections to the House of Representatives of the Federation of Malaysia. It also provides that where any electoral divisions for the Federal elections consist of two or more electoral divisions for the Singapore Legislative Assembly elections, the Electoral Registers in respect of the two or three electoral divisions for the Singapore Legislative Assembly elections shall together be deemed to be the electoral division for the Federal elections. A further provision in this clause makes it an offence for any person to vote at the Federal elections in Singapore under this Bill if he is not entitled to vote under the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance. A person can vote only in the electoral division in which he is registered as an elector. As I have stated previously, the manner and procedure of the elections shall follow that of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance with amendments and modifications as set out in the Schedule to the Bill. In the Schedule to the Bill, a number of amendments and modifications contained in the Schedule are consequential changes to definitions arising from the elections taking place to the House of Representatives of the Federation of Malaysia.

There are a number of other amendments of which note should be taken. One of the amendments set out to the Schedule is the modification to section 47 (4) of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance which provides for the mixing and counting of the ballot papers contained in the ballot boxes relating to a Federal electoral division or such part as the Returning Officer considers expedient. This provision enabling the Returning Officer to count any part of the ballot papers of the Federal electoral division separately would make it possible for him to count separately the ballot papers for the Singapore Legislative Assembly electoral divisions which are grouped together to form part of the Federal division, although when the result is declared only the total figures for the electoral division will be announced. Under this arrangement, candidates will be able to know how each component Singapore Legislative Assembly electoral division forming part of the new electoral division voted. As the House is already aware, the Government's intention is to group the 51 Singapore Legislative Assembly electoral divisions into groups of threes and fours to form each new Federal division.

Another amendment to section 65 (1) provides for the increase in election expenses from $6,000 or 50 cents per elector, whichever is the larger, as provided in the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance, to $12,000 or 50 cents per elector, whichever is the larger. The increase in the expenses is due to the increase in the electorate for the Federal electoral divisions.

Provision is also made in the amendments and modifications to section 73A for the inclusion of increased powers of search by the police where it is expected that canvassing is being conducted by any person on polling day. Where a person enters or is seen at more than two houses or places of work of electors in the same polling district other than his own house or place of work on polling day, he is presumed to have committed an offence of canvassing, unless the contrary is proved by him. These provisions were included in the National Referendum Ordinance and it is considered desirable to include them in this Bill.

A further provision taken from the National Referendum Ordinance is in respect of persons debarred from taking part in election activities. Under this provision, it is an offence for any person who attends a primary or secondary school as a student or a person against whom an order has been made under the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Ordinance or secret society activities to take part in election activities. This provision is included in the Bill by way of modification to section 73c.

The House will note that modifications are made to sections 57 (2) and 73 (1) . These two sections relate to the disqualifications of persons from being either registered as electors or Members of the Legislative Assembly when convicted of corrupt or illegal practices. While such persons can be convicted and sentenced for these offences, it follows that any disqualifications arising out of these convictions should be a matter under the Federal law, since these elections are in respect of membership to the House of Representatives of the Federation of Malaysia.

Similarly in the Schedule under this Bill, section 79 is deleted, because it refers only to disqualifications of elected Members of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Singapore.

The last amendment to note is with regard to section 94 (1) which enables the Returning Officer to use free of charge as a polling station any school or part thereof.

Mr Speaker, Sir, as the House is aware, I have already given notice of amendments to the Schedule. At the Committee stage, I shall give reasons in detail for these amendments, but at this stage, I need only mention that the amendments refer to the qualifications of persons to be elected as Members of the House of Representatives of the Federation of Malaysia, the notification to be issued by the Minister specifying Federal electoral divisions in Singapore for purposes of elections to the House of Representatives in the Federation of Malaysia, and provision for persons conducting election activities to be in possession of written authorities signed by candidates or their election agent.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the time is drawing near when elections will be held for the first time in Singapore for the people to choose their 15 representatives to the House of Representatives in the Federation of Malaysia, and it is very important that these elections are carried out in a smooth, effective, impartial and efficient manner. This Bill seeks to achieve that objective by adopting, in the main, with a few modifications, the provisions of the time-tested machinery and procedure laid down in the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance.

Sir, I beg to move.

Question proposed.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to oppose the Bill, and my reasons are -

An hon. Member: Obvious.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: One, we have not yet debated the Prime Minister's motion on the Malaysia Agreement - item 10 on the Order Paper. Until this has been adopted - if it is adopted - the question of the manner of electing 15 Members to the Federal House of Representatives does not arise. The Government should have arranged the order of business in its proper sequence, and the Second Reading of this Bill should rightly come after item 10 has been disposed of. The Opposition would then be in possession of the documents relating to the Malaysia Agreement, and it would be in a better position to debate this Bill in the light of the disclosures that can be gleaned from such documents.

Two, the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Bill reads:

`AND WHEREAS it has been agreed that fifteen members of the House of Representatives should be elected from Singapore in such manner as may be determined by the Legislature of Singapore with the concurrence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong:'

I repeat, Sir, "with the concurrence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong". I am not a lawyer, Sir, but it is my humble view that until after Malaysia Day, that is the 31st of August, His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has no constitutional sovereignty over Singapore, and I respectfully submit that he has therefore no constitutional jurisdiction to concur. I do not say that I am right, but this is a matter for constitutional experts to advise. I cannot help but recall the mess the Government was in over the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections (Temporary Provisions) Bill. And because of this glaring example of the Government's lack of consultation of legal opinion, I would ask the Government to inform the House whether it has received advice as to whether or not it is constitutionally right for His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to concur with the laws of Singapore before Malaysia Day.

The third reason is that a Certificate of Urgency has been introduced for the Second Reading of this Bill. This is indeed very strange and unprecedented. The Second Reading of any Bill, unless introduced on a Certificate of Urgency, takes its normal course under Standing Orders, and under Standing Order 71 (3) (a), "... no amendment shall be proposed unless two clear days' notice thereof has been given." The Government have already given notice of certain amendments which they propose to move. On a Certificate of Urgency, however, no notice need be given of any amendment, and the fact that the Government has taken this unprecedented step is an indication to us that some surprise amendments are in their bag of tricks which they may pull out, depending on the trend of the debate on the Second Reading.

Moreover, Sir, under Standing Order 81, because of the introduction of a Certificate of Urgency, the Opposition is deprived of any move to refer the Bill to a Select Committee. I charge the Government for wanting to play out the Opposition and therefore the interests of the people. Otherwise, such a Certificate of Urgency for a Second Reading is not necessary as the Government has already given notice of certain amendments which the Minister proposes to move during the Committee stage of the Bill.

Sir, the Minister in his speech just now has said that it is only after the first elections to the Federal Parliament that the statutory autonomous Elections Commission in Kuala Lumpur will operate in Singapore. This shows us how important it is that the Malaysia Agreement should have been in our hands. Then we' will know what it is all about. As it is, are we to trust the words of the Minister when he says that such are the facts? There have been many instances of the P.A.P. Government trying to prove that white is black and then prove that black is white -

Mr Rajaratnam: Please name them.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: - until the Prime Minister was red in the face. They have done it. If this is true, it is just unfortunate that the statutory autonomous Elections Commission will not operate until after the second elections to the Federal Parliament - if what the Minister says is correct. And now the elections that will be held under this Bill will be under the control of an Election Office squeezed like anything by the Government. But the debate on the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections (Temporary Provisions) Bill has disclosed - it is left to the Government to deny the disgraceful interference of the Government with the working of the Elections Office -

Mr Byrne: Nonsense.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: - in carrying out the duties imposed on the Registration Officer by section 15 of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections Ordinance. The Minister for Law says nonsense, but under section 15 of this Ordinance, if there had been no interference by the Executive Government, the Registration Officer would have easily carried on with the registration and carried out his duties as demanded by the law. But no, the P.A.P. wanted to play the referendum game. Therefore, the Registration Officer was told, "Wait a minute. We say stop, you stop. We say go ahead, you go ahead. If you behave well, maybe we will give you a medal after that." That is what the P.A.P. is doing always. Added to this, Sir, is the unholy haste - as evidenced by the introduction of a Certificate of Urgency on a Second Reading - of the Government to hold elections for the 15 Members to represent Singapore in the Federal House of Representatives.

Sir, we have ample instances of the Government indulging in practices which are apparently undemocratic and dictatorial.

Mr Rajaratnam: Apparently.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: I use the word "apparently", Sir, because although I did not have a Minister for Culture with me when I was the Chief Minister, I would like to be at least more cultured than the Ministers of the Front Bench who, in spite of their Minister for Culture, cannot be cultured at all. I use the word "apparently", but it would seem that it hurts the Minister for Culture more than if you were to say it is a fact.

Mr Rajaratnam: What are you trying to say?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, it is apparently undemocratic and dictatorial. They can deny it. I use the word "apparently". Why is there a move to deprive Mr Markandu of his citizenship, just because he said, "I will fight the Prime Minister for his interference with the fight of my union, with the industrial activity of my particular union."? And what is more shocking to us, Sir, is that the Prime Minister himself on television, I think it was - he likes to see his face on television, said, "Oh, Mr Markandu, I know, man, you are no Communist." "But why do you deprive me of my citizenship if I am not a Communist?", Mr Markandu asked. This is what the P.A.P. does. Is this not dictatorial?

There is another one. Suddenly with all the fun that they had in the Harbour Board, gates closed; 10,000 workers not allowed to go out for lunch, listening to the Prime Minister, "Eh, I am going to give you an award." And then after that, he said, "Oh, I trust the good sense of the workers of the Harbour Board." What happens now? Deregistration is -

Mr Speaker: Order. I am wondering whether the Member for Cairnhill can bring his remarks within the ambit of the Bill we are discussing.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: With respect, Sir, I am pointing out where we cannot trust the Government. These are the instances that the Government have given to the public and to that extent we cannot trust them. They are always doing undemocratic and dictatorial things and what better instances than the instances that only occurred the night before. Can we trust them?

Sir, they de-registered this Union just because it refused to bow to the blandishments and threats of the Prime Minister.

Mr Speaker: Order. I must stop the Member for Cairnhill because he is going too much into detail. He can just mention these things in passing, but he is going too much into detail.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Thank you, Sir. That happens to be the last sentence and the most important sentence.

Mr Rajaratnam: An election speech.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, the Minister for Culture says that it is an election speech. I do not know what the Prime Minister does going round the constituencies kissing babies. Oh, not election at all! The Prime Minister, the great hero of Singapore seeing the people of Singapore! But when we say something here, it is an election speech. Never mind, if the P.A.P. want elections, if they will just go for general elections tomorrow -

Mr Rajaratnam: We may.

Mr Byrne: God help you then.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: It is strange, Sir, that the Minister for Law should call on God now when he had denied God when he became a Minister in 1959! May God look after them!

Mr Byrne: I denied God, in what way?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, when we add all these together and bearing in mind the acts of the Government, we can justifiably say that we do not trust the P.A.P. Government. We say that the P.A.P. Government by this Bill is attempting to force Opposition Parties to fight the elections on P.A.P.'s dishonest terms, which are loaded to ensure a P.A.P. victory at the polls.

An hon. Member: I thought you had mass support.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Up till today, Sir, we have not yet received copies of the Malaysia Agreement, although it has been officially released in London and the British Parliament has already approved the Agreement reached in London. The fact that the Government is attempting to give as little time as possible to the Opposition to study the implications of the Malaysia Agreement signed in London shows that there may be something for the Government to hide.

An hon. Member: For how long?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: We want to know the terms of the Agreement reached in London. The Minister has just told us, "Yes, the terms are, we will have elections for the first time and the Singapore Government is free to hold elections until after the dissolution of the second Federal Parliament." This is what the Minister said. But he did not say that whoever gets elected now under this proposed law, will remain until after the general elections to the second Federal House of Representatives. It is not here. And we do not trust the P.A.P. because if the P.A.P. just get one man in - "All right, election overnight." If they get twenty men in - "Tidak apa lah, go to Kuala Lumpur and say, can we make it three terms instead of two terms?" That is what the P.A.P. are good for - twist and turn, and cheat as much as possible. They would not say it, but now they say, "How long? It is not in the Bill." We do not trust the P.A.P., when it is not in the Bill. [Interruption] Sir, the Minister keeps on saying that this is what has been written in the White Paper. Why not give us the White Paper? We have enough evidence, and we do not believe the word of the P.A.P. until we receive documentary proof. We remember the Prime Minister when he came back as a great hero saying, "Ah, we give them loans. It has been agreed that Singapore will send 50 per cent of workmen to the Borneo territories." Straightaway there was a denial by the Chief Minister Designate of Sabah, saying, "There has been no such agreement." And what did the Prime Minister say? "Ah, semua (everything) is written at the back of an envelope." My God, the fate of the people of Singapore at the back of an envelope! Now we ask where is the Malaysia Agreement? We want to see the terms agreed upon for this representation to the Central Parliament. We have not seen it, but the Minister for Home Affairs says, "Until after the second Federal Parliament." We do not believe it. Or is the Minister now going to say, like his great Prime Minister, "Oh, all that is written on an envelope." He can say it if he likes. We do not know all these things other than what the Minister for Home Affairs feels that he should let us know. Why can he not give us the Malaysia Agreement documents and defer the Second Reading until after the debate on the Malaysia Agreement has been disposed of? Oh no, P.A.P. style, run down the Opposition as much as you can!

Sir, the sinister motive behind this is apparent to us. Why is the Government so anxious and so desperate to hold these elections to the Federal House of Representatives when it has most dictatorially withheld the by-election in Sembawang for one year? God rest the soul of Ahmad bin Ibrahim - a good man. The Sembawang seat is the most vital as the strength in this Assembly of the Government and the Opposition is evenly divided. The success or defeat of the P.A.P. candidate in the Sembawang by-election will mean either the right of the P.A.P. Government to continue in office or that it has no moral right to cling to office. Why has the Government conveniently withheld this vital by-election for a year, and is now so anxious and desperate to hold elections to the Federal House of Representatives, the result of which will not mean the fall of the Government should the P.A.P. fail to get the majority of seats? The motive is clear. The P.A.P. are adopting these tactics to test the market. Are the P.A.P. popular with the people -

Mr Rajaratnam: Find out.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Or are the P.A.P. a dead duck? If they win in this election, they will straightaway have the Assembly dissolved and call for general elections. If they lose, then they still have many months left to rectify their mistakes. They can make full use of the radio and television and indulge in a number of undemocratic acts and political corruption in a desperate attempt to bluff the people once again, so that when general elections take place next year, when the life of this Government comes to a natural end, they hope to be able to recoup their losses. And to play this game to suit their own selfish ends, they are prepared to make the public pay about $400,000 to meet the cost of holding these elections. We strongly oppose the use of public funds for a purpose to suit the selfish ends of the Party in power.

These, Sir, are the grounds on which we oppose the Bill. I know that P.A.P. top propagandists, trained in the same camp with ex-comrades and ex-Political Secretaries who are now under detention and branded by the Government as Communists, Communist front leaders and Communist stooges, will twist and distort our stand by saying that the Alliance is afraid to meet the P.A.P. in an election. Let me tell them straight to their faces, the Alliance will meet the P.A.P. at the polls any time -

An hon. Member: Hear, hear!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: -anywhere and anyhow. What I have said is aimed at exposing the P.A.P. which has been up to tricks for far too long. The P.A.P. has already made full and complete plans to win the elections by hook or by crook. Their candidates are ready. They have been grooming the Political Secretaries to the Prime Minister and to the Minister for Culture, Mr Jek Yuen Thong and Inche Rahim Ishak, and these two men will definitely be put up as P.A.P. candidates. They have been groomed out of public funds and are valuable sycophants of Emperor Lee - "our beloved Prime Minister," so say banners put up by the P.A.P. We do not say it; P.A.P. banners put it up.

Sir, the Prime Minister has been conducting an election campaign for the P.A.P. for some months now at the expense of the public, and the delineation of the electoral divisions is already known to the P.A.P. for some time. The P.A.P. is ready and well prepared and will not hesitate to take unfair and unjust advantage over its political opponents who will have to fight the elections against great odds imposed by P.A.P. trickery. Did the Prime Minister not say to City Council employees at that memorable meeting, "I can fix you but you can't fix me!"? Sure, the Government can fix the Opposition but the Opposition cannot out the Alliance, I mean, can knock out - [Interruption] I like that remark, that is my phrase, Sir,I would like to say that because -

An hon. Member: You are groggy.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Sir, they have some sense of humour left in them. But the Alliance will knock out the P.A.P. if they but dare come out for a general election tomorrow.

An hon. Member: And be voted out.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: If they but dare. But the P.A.P. dare not. The P.A.P. wants to test the market first through these elections to the Federal Parliament, and then do a little bit of juggling in the State elections.

Sir, I do not think we can defeat this Bill. Who knows? If each and every Member in the Opposition will attend and vote as one united force - united not in ideology or political beliefs but united in a concerted effort to teach this arrogant, this dictatorial Government a lesson that is long overdue -

Mr David Marshall: On a point of clarification and on a point of information too, I would be much obliged. Does the Member for Cairnhill call on Opposition Members to support him in his opposition to the Bill? Would he indicate whether his Party stands for the principle of direct representation from the people to the Federal Parliament?

Tim Lim Yew Hock: Sir, the Member for Anson has not heard me out because I leave the more important ones towards the end. I can assure him now that we stand for direct representation and we will fight the elections.

An hon. Member: How?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: We will not allow the P.A.P. Government to make use of the election machinery to suit their own political ends, and we do this as an attempt to expose them and they are exposed. Sir, as I have said, if we can just be united in a concerted effort to teach this arrogant, this dictatorial Government a lesson that is long overdue, then the situation will change for the better. Then there is hope that the Government can be knocked out and that the Opposition can overthrow the Government. Two Alliance Members are paired with the Prime Minister and the Minister for Finance because they are in Kuala Lumpur on official business, but this pairing will not affect the voting if each and every Member in the Opposition will vote as one united force.

On the question of pairing, I now give notice to the Government that Alliance Members will not in future pair with any Government Member as the Government has not done the decent thing to arrange a pairing-off when the Member for Bras Basah was indisposed and could not attend the June sittings of the Assembly. I spoke about this on the 7th June and I do not propose to quote from Hansard to strengthen my point.

Sir, I say I do not think we can defeat this Bill but we still may, and the Government will definitely go ahead and hold these elections on terms all loaded in their favour. Despite this the Alliance will field candidates to fight.

Sir, the Prime Minister in his recent campaigning and television broadcasts has stooped so low as to put into practice his training in the Communist camp at character assassination. He has made use of the radio and television to say a number of personal things about me. I did not care to reply and retaliate on the same level as I cannot bring myself to sink to the depth that the Prime Minister has fallen. I will, however, meet him in the elections to the Federal House of Representatives. I will not lay down conditions of delineation of the electoral divisions, but I will go to his stronghold, Tanjong Pagar, and meet him there. If, however, the Prime Minister feels that the Federal constituency that includes Tanjong Pagar is not safe for him, then I ask him to be good enough to give me advance notice of his intentions so that I can give him the pleasure of ascertaining from the voters in Tanjong Pagar and other contiguous wards, or in any constituency chosen by the Prime Minister, whether they give their confidence, their trust and their support to him or to me. [Interruption] By this Bill, the Government should choose its own ground for the fight. To them, it is a laughing matter. Cheating to them, Sir, is a laughing matter. I will meet the Prime Minister on any ground that he cares to choose, and I am doing this not out of bravado. I am doing this because I am so sick of the political dishonesty of the P.A.P. that I consider it my duty to try and rid Singapore of this menace to democracy and fair play.

Sir, I say the people are fed up with the P.A.P. and, knowing this, the Government is therefore afraid to face us in a general election. The proper and decent thing for the Government to do, now that it does not have the moral majority in the Assembly to continue in office, is to hold the by-election in Sembawang or to hold general elections. The Government has most dictatorially withheld the by-election in Sembawang for one year, simply because the P.A.P. knows that its fate will be sealed, as it was in Hong Lim and Anson, but the P.A.P. keeps on crowing that the Prime Minister is a great hero. If the P.A.P. sincerely believes in this claim, then let us have general elections soon instead of its wanting desperately to hold elections to the Federal House of Representatives with the ulterior motive of testing the pulse of the electorate to enable the arrogant and dictatorial Government to plan strategy for the general elections. Let us have general elections soon and then hold elections to the Federal House of Representatives later. The P.A.P. dare not because it knows deep down in its heart - if it has any heart at all - that the people, if given the opportunity now to cast their votes in a general election, will give a clear verdict. And what will be their verdict? R.I.P. P.A.P. May their wicked souls rest in peace!

Dr Lee Siew Choh: Mr Speaker, I do not need to go over some of the points which the Member for Cairnhill has already touched on. It is ridiculous of the Government to ask us in the Opposition to discuss something which we have not as yet seen. The Minister talks of -[Interruption]

Mr Speaker: Order. I do not know what is the purpose of the Front Benches of the Government interrupting unnecessarily. Perhaps we can have a silent debate from now on. Dr Lee.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: He talks of section 95 of the Malaysia Agreement, he talks of Annex J. What are all these things? What is section 95 and what is Annex J or Alex Josey? [Laughter]

Sir, this is the first time that we hear that those elected will serve until the second dissolution of Parliament after Malaysia Day. In other words, those who are elected in the forthcoming 15-seat elections to the Central Parliament will serve six years and not five years. Is that correct? Would the Minister confirm this right now?

Mr Ong Pang Boon: Could well be.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: It might well be. Therefore, it is for six years. Sir, the whole idea of this Bill today is to allow the Government a chance to hold snap elections, and, what is more important, to allow the Government to choose safe seats for the Government Ministers - of course, holding snap elections, taking advantage of us is nothing new - the only question is, why they are doing this so blatantly and openly, throwing away their mask of democracy, even their sense of fair play, everything? They just throw aside everything and now in their desperate situation they are holding on to any straw, hoping thereby to give their Ministers a chance to serve in the Central Parliament.

Let me just touch on what the Member for Cairnhill has referred to. He has mentioned the fact that in the Preamble to the Bill it says that the manner of elections to the House of Representatives must have the concurrence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. I do not want to refer to that again, but I would like to refer to clause 2 which says that the Yang di-Pertuan Negara can at any time hold elections, that is, at any time the P.A.P. decides to hold elections. If you will notice carefully, Sir, all the amendments which the Government has put forward are to give the P.A.P. the chance to hold a snap election in order to place Opposition Parties completely at a disadvantage.

In clause 3 (2) it says that the Minister may at any time make adaptations, modifications, amendments to the forms in the First Schedule. This must be linked with the new amendment in page 5, line 6, which says:

`(2) No person shall conduct any election activity unless he is in possession of a written authority signed by a candidate or his election agent in the Form 22 (A) or the Form 22 (B), as the case may be, in the First Schedule to this Ordinance. Such authority ...'.

Now, Sir, these are the important words - "shall be issued only on or after the day of nomination."

Section 24 (2) of the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections (Temporary Provisions) Ordinance reads - it refers, first of all, to the writ of election being issued by the Yang di-Pertuan Negara and it follows in subsection (2):

`Every such writ shall be in the Form 1 in the First Schedule to this Ordinance and shall specify the date or dates hereinafter referred to as the day of nomination not being less than 9 days nor more than one month after the date of the writ and the place or places of nomination hereinafter referred to as the place of nomination.'

In other words, Sir, the day of writ to the day of nomination, will take 9 days. But elections can be held from the day of writ to the day of poll, all in 21 days. In fact, this period of 21 days can be further reduced even to 18 or 19 days. I have worked in the Ministry of Home Affairs and I know exactly what the minimum period for elections can be. It means that within three weeks from the day of writ by the Yang di-Pertuan Negara, general elections can take place or any elections can take place. If we take away 9 days from the day of writ to the day of nomination, there will be only 10 days or 12 days left, and within these 10 to 12 days, those who wish to take part in elections - Parties or candidates - will have to get their election agents; print their symbols; look for places for election offices. They will have to do all sorts of difficult things in a short campaign that will last only 10 days. Of course, the Government will thus take full advantage - -unfair advantage, according to the Alliance Members - by playing out the Opposition according to the Member for Lim Yew Hock -

Mr Speaker: Order. I do not know whether the hon. Member for Queenstown can locate the constituency called "Lim Yew Hock".

Dr Lee Siew Choh: The Member for Cairnhill. Sir, the Government taking advantage of the Opposition is no surprise to us at all. But as I have already mentioned, the wonder of it is that, in its desperation, it is ready to take off completely their mask and openly try to, legally again, as in the Referendum Ordinance, rig the elections.

Today, as everybody knows, the P.A.P. is making use of the office of the Prime Minister to allow the Secretary-General of the PAP, to conduct an election campaign for the P.A.P. It has the use of the radio, television, all the space in the newspapers, and everytime it talks of the P.A.P.

• how good the P.A.P. is. But, of course, we can come to debate later on what the Prime Minister today has been doing. Everybody knows that he has sold out the rights and interests of the people of Singapore. The P.A.P. has also denied the Opposition all opportunities of direct Contact with the masses. For example, Sir, we in the Barisan Sosialis applied for a permit to hold a rally at Pulau Saigon two weeks ago. Last week we applied for a permit to hold a rally in Bukit Timah, 7½ milestone. But on both occasions the P.A.P. have denied us the right of assembly. Not even a registered political Party has the right of assembly and the right of direct contact with the masses! This is what they mean when they talk of democracy today. When they give reasons, they say it is because they do not have enough policemen to guard the Prime Minister. The next time they change their tune. I am sure there will be more changing of tunes very soon.

I do not know what the Government intends to do, but it is quite clear that the P.A.P. today is openly intimidating not only Assemblymen in the Barisan. Sosialis but also all trade union leaders. It is taking away their citizenship and intimating that they might be put away, arrested. We are not afraid of these bankrupt P.A.P. politicians trying to cling on to straws in their last desperate gasp. The people's verdict will prove that it is a thing which they cannot fight against. They may make use of the State power to hinder us in our work, but they will be struck off from the political stage anyway, anyhow, soon.

Sir, in the amendment which the P.A.P. seeks, namely, to allow them to amend, adapt and modify those forms and regulations in the First Scheduler the P.A.P. seeks to allow Opposition Members start the election campaign only after nomination day. The P.A.P. hopes not only to take advantage of the fact that they know already the electoral divisions and have everything prepared for the election but also to confuse and make more and more difficult for Opposition Members and candidates to fight the elections. For example, Sir, new rules can be so fixed that even election agents may have to submit ten photographs or something like that to Government before they can become election agents, or some such ridiculous things like this. But, of course, the main reason behind this Bill is for the P.A.P. to get safe seats for P.A.P. Ministers. You will remember, Sir, in the referendum, that the counting of votes was done in such a haphazard way that opposition counting agents were in no position to know what was really happening. Today with that experience in mind they are hoping to repeat the same performance. They want to count the votes of the various divisions and know how many votes there are for the P.A.P. in each particular division. But the Opposition Members will not be allowed to have such knowledge. The P.A.P. wants to mix up all the ballot papers -

Mr Ong Pang Boon: You will be allowed.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: - and then, of course, nobody will really know except the P.A.P. The P.A.P. can count the number of votes in such a division, and then the Prime Minister will stand in a division that is "safe". If not safe, then, of course, the second-rate Back-benchers, the third-rate Back-benchers will stand in them. That is exactly what is going to happen. The Back-benchers will have no hope of getting safe seats for themselves. If they have a chance of standing again, they will be just starters. Just starters! That is all. Even their Front bench Ministers will also be starters anyway.

Mr Rajaratnam: Where do you start?

Dr Lee Siew Choh: The start is, if at any time they tell us where they want to go, we will make sure of sending suitable opponents to topple all of them. I do not wish to waste the time of the House, Sir, but we must realise that the whole object of this present Bill and the amendments thereto are to allow the P.A.P. to seek an unfair advantage over the Opposition Parties and to allow the P.A.P. to seek safe seats for their Ministers.

7.25 p.m.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Mr Speaker, I think we must not allow what the Member for Cairnhill has said just now to go by. He unfortunately has a little obsession and he makes great pretence that he is a scholarly lawyer trying to interpret Ordinances at a time when even lawyers are very quiet. He has mentioned just now that this Bill makes no sense because it mentions in the Preamble that "WHEREAS it has been agreed that fifteen members of the House of Representatives should be elected from Singapore in such manner as may be determined by the Legislature of Singapore with the concurrence of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong." Surely it will occur to him that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong in this sense represents the Federation Government and that this Bill is being introduced in this Legislature with the agreement of the Federation Government. He further says that by moving the Second and Third Readings of this Bill on a Certificate of Urgency, the Opposition has no opportunity to put forward amendments to this Bill. Members will remember that this Singapore (Elections to the Federal House of Representatives) Bill was introduced at the last sitting of the Legislative Assembly, and if they really have any intention or desire to make amendments they could have done so. The trouble with the Opposition is that they have adopted an attitude that whatever the Government does is always wrong. They showed this attitude only a little while ago. When the Minister for Home Affairs expressed his willingness to withdraw the Singapore Legislative Assembly Elections (Temporary Provisions) (Amendment) Bill, because the Opposition did not like it, they opposed even his attempt to withdraw. They did not like the Bill, and yet they said to the Minister for Home Affairs, "Thou shall not withdraw." It is just a lot of hot air and dust that has been generated by the Member for Cairnhill over this Bill. In reality, as he must admit, the Opposition is really reluctant to face the people and allow the people to choose 15 representatives to the Federal Parliament.

Now, let us be quite honest about Opposition attempts to denigrate the Government and sneer at the lack of a majority on the Government benches. They had many times in the past an opportunity to outvote the Government on any important issue. If we had been defeated on any decisive Bill - on the Budget, for instance - we would have had no alternative but to resign. Now, the Opposition's reluctance to face the people, of course, is quite understandable. If we go to elections either for the 15 seats or for the 51 seats, the P.A.P. will stand on its record of achievements during the last four years. The S.P.A. can only stand on the memories of the Lim Yew Hock Government. The Barisan will stand on its record of infamy and betrayal. The U.P.P. will stand on the famous Hong Lim resolutions. Let me put it this way. If the S.P.A. -

Tun Lim Yew Hock: What S.P.A.? The Alliance.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: If the Alliance wishes to form a united front with the Barisan Sosialis and the others - pro-Malaysia elements sleeping on the same bed with anti-Malaysia elements - and seriously consider that they must oppose this Bill, then, of course, they avoid going to elections on the 15 seats -

Mr David Marshall: You should resign.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: But they cannot avoid elections on the 51 seats -

Mr David Marshall: Hear, hear!

Dr Lee Siew Choh: That is what we want.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: And I would say to them that it is inevitable. It is going to happen sooner or later -

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Well, make it sooner.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: And it is the intention of the S.P.A. -

Tun Lim Yew Hock: The Alliance. I told you.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: The S.P.A.-U.M.N.O.-M.C.A.-M.I.C. Alliance?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Yes.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: At a suitable opportunity, perhaps after 31st August, if not earlier, they will combine forces and seek to outvote the Government on a critical issue. That is going to happen. It did not happen at the last Budget sitting or on the Yang di-Pertuan Negara's speech, but it may well happen on this crucial Bill.

I am very glad indeed that the Member for Anson asked the Member for Cairnhill to clarify his Party's stand on whether he wanted direct representation to the Federal Parliament from this Assembly. The Member for Cairnhill was only too eager to have himself appointed from this Assembly into the Federal Parliament

Tun Lim Yew Hock rose ---

Mr Speaker: On a point of order?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Point of clarification.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: No. Sir, let us face this simple fact. None of us 50 Members in this House were elected or were given a mandate to represent the people in the House of Representatives in Kuala Lumpur -

Mr David Marshall: Nor do you have a mandate -

Dr Toh Chin Chye: - and therefore for the Member for Anson or the Member for Cairnhill ever to suggest that this should be the method by which the people of Singapore should choose -

Mr David Marshall rose ---

Mr Speaker: Point of clarification?

Mr David Marshall: Point of clarification, if the Deputy Prime Minister would permit.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Yes.

Mr David Marshall: Sir, I spoke of direct representation from the people - the principle of direct representation from the people to the Federal House of Parliament. Now, this is not direct representation if you are nominated by the Assembly. I never suggested that, and I am against it.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: I am obliged to the Member for Anson, Mr Speaker, for clarifying his point. But let me warn any Member in this House who cherishes the idea that the correct thing to do would be to appoint or nominate 15 Members from this Chamber to the House of Representatives that he is taking upon himself powers and a mandate which were never given to any of us. It would be a shameful thing indeed for 15 people to be directly nominated from this Assembly to enter the House of Representatives because that would mean entering Parliament by the back door. I am quite sure that none of us have the hides of elephants in that we wish to cherish this way of finding ourselves seated in Parliament in Kuala Lumpur.

Now, much air has been given out by the Member for Cairnhill that the Prime Minister has been using his State visits as a preamble to an election campaign. The Member for Cairnhill is quite at liberty to visit the people and I hope he uses that opportunity -

Tun Lim Yew Hock: How can I use Government funds and television? What are you talking about?

Dr Toh Chin Chye: However, let us face this problem. The first Federal Parliament will probably sit either in September or October. We do not know which month. But the people of Singapore will have to find 15 representatives to represent them in the first Malaysian Parliament.

There is one peculiar attitude of the Opposition which is very difficult to understand. I remember the Minister for Home Affairs did write to Members on the Opposition Benches, asking them for their proposals or their views on the delineation of 15 constituencies in order to facilitate elections to the Federal House of Representatives. And we had curious replies; not direct replies to the Minister for Home Affairs, but replies in the Press. Take the S.P.A. for instance. Their Secretary-General first issued a statement that Tun Lim Yew Hock was going to represent the S.P.A. at an All-Party meeting; the Barisan called for an All-Party meeting; and the U.P.P. called for an All-Party meeting. Since the Minister for Home Affairs had no replies in respect of their proposals on the delineation of 15 constituencies, he therefore sent out another letter inviting them to an All-Party meeting -

Inche Ahmad Jabri: Point of information.

Dr Toh Chin Chye resumed his seat.

Inche Ahmad Jabri: (In Malay): In connection with the request by the Minister for Home Affairs to the Opposition Parties to send representatives, U.M.N.O. replied to the effect that we did not wish to participate in the meeting.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: I thank the Member for the Southern Islands for the information he has given. He has been courteous enough to reply to the Minister for Home Affairs directly and not through the Press.

As I was saying just now, when the Minister for Home Affairs invited the Opposition to an All-Party meeting, the excuse they gave was that they were going to be outvoted at this All-Party meeting and so on and so forth, because there were going to be five P.A.P. representatives and four Opposition representatives. I would really like to be very fair and would still like to open the door to them. If they believe that five P.A.P. representatives will outvote four Opposition representatives on the delineation of boundaries, then I say that we are prepared to meet four to four. Therefore, some form of agreement can be arrived at on the delineation of boundaries. I am quite sure that the opportunity will be used in the future by those defeated in these elections to say that these boundaries had been rigged up, that there was gerrymandering in the elections in order to try to cover up their defeat. However, to those who claim that they have always the support of the masses, I am sure they are not worried as to where they stand. The Member for Cairnhill has been brave enough to announce in the House just now that he is going to meet the Prime Minister. You are not withdrawing, are you?

Tun Lim Yew Hock: Point of clarification.

Dr Toh Chin Chye resumed his seat.

Tun Lim Yew Hock: There is no need for bravery to meet the Prime Minister. Decency and common sense will knock him out.

Mr Rajaratnam: Prudence!

Tun Lim Yew Hock: I do not require bravery.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: Sir, besides decency and common sense you also need guts, and it is a quality which I am sure the Member for Cairnhill is not lacking in, knowing his record in the past years when he was in Government and when he was the Chief Minister -

Mr Byrne: He wants to be a Senator.

Dr Toh Chin Chye: I appeal to the House. Let us deal with this problem seriously. Do not let us be fatuous about the whole business. I do not think we really want to ram it down the Opposition throats that the reason why they are opposing this Bill is that they are afraid to meet the people. We are responsible people; we have a job to do; we have to lay the basis so that the people, the electorate, in Singapore can find 15 qualified representatives who can represent them in the Federal Parliament. And one of the reasons, I may add here, why we should oppose at all cost nominations direct from this Assembly is that some Members in this House do not qualify for elections under the Federal law, simply because they do not satisfy the qualifications which are required.

The Member for Cairnhill has mentioned just now that we really ought to have debated the Second Reading of this Bill after item 10, that is, after the Malaysia Agreement has been dealt with in this Assembly. Up to a point, he is correct, because I think one of the points he has raised in this debate is that the 15 representatives will only have a life of nine months or less than a year as, according to the Federal Constitution, the Federal Parliament must dissolve in 1964. Therefore, if we have elections to the Federal Assembly now, we will probably face a second Federal election in 1964. But as the Minister for Home Affairs has informed the House, this is not the case. It has been agreed with the Federation Government that the first 15 representatives who will represent Singapore in the Federal House of Representatives will leave Parliament only at the second dissolution of the Malaysia Parliament. In other words, if the Federal Parliament should be dissolved in 1964 and fresh elections are held in the Federation of Malaya, the 15 Singapore representatives will continue to retain their seats in the second Malaysia Parliament.

Finally, may I add that we are honest about holding elections to the Malaysia Parliament? Let me reiterate that we would still like to open the door to the Opposition, and if they so desire, they can meet to discuss the broad basis on how these 15 constituencies should be drawn up. Let it not be said in the future by any candidate who should lose in these elections that all this has been rigged. That is a point which the Member for Cairnhill has been trying to ram down our throats, that we have been twisting their tails and that we have been trying to rig the elections. If he is honest about this, let him accept our offer.

Mr Ng Teng Kian (Punggol): (In Mandarin): Mr Speaker, Sir, because my colleague, the Member for Hong Lim, is not feeling well today and is unable to take part in the debate, I rise on behalf of my Party to say a few words.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the P.A.P. Government have introduced the Singapore (Elections to the Federal House of Representatives) Bill. It can be clearly seen by us that this Bill is equally dictatorial and undemocratic as the National Referendum Bill. This Bill gives the P.A.P. Minister full control of the elections. He will have the power to formulate rules and regulations governing elections without coming to this Assembly. Actually, in so far as matters of elections are concerned, the formulation of rules and regulations should lie with this Assembly, because elections are very important. But the P.A.P. Government are now trying to make use of undemocratic means to deprive this Assembly of the right to make rules for the elections. They want to transfer all such powers to the Minister so that undemocratic means can be resorted to in the elections to the Federal Parliament. We do not trust or believe that the P.A.P. will be clean in the coming elections to the Federal Parliament.

According to the provisions of the White Paper, representatives to the Federal Parliament should be elected under the supervision of an independent Elections Commission. Why is it that the P.A.P. Government refuse to follow this procedure? Why must they resort to this undemocratic and dictatorial Bill to ensure that the Minister will have the power to regulate the election of 15 representatives to the Federal Parliament? It is because we know that the P.A.P. are not confident of winning the elections. They do not want to give the Opposition a chance of being returned.

With regard to the delineation of the constituencies, the P.A.P. again are not very fair. We are of the opinion that each Party should send representatives to attend an All-Party conference on this matter. Even during the regime of the Lim Yew Hock Government, democratic methods were adopted. If the P.A.P. are sincere about this, then after two or three meetings of the All-Party conference, the problem could be solved. I hope the P.A.P. will pay heed to my advice.

I believe the delineation of constituencies was done on 1st June this year even before the request was made to the various Opposition Parties. In order to cover up their undemocratic ways and tactics, the P.A.P. put up the pretext that representatives of other political Parties would be allowed in a conference to be held to consider the delineation of the constituencies. Only one representative of each Party was to be allowed, and that would mean four representatives from the Opposition. But the P.A.P. would have five representatives. Where is the democracy - five against four? All this is done to cover up their undemocratic acts. That is why all Parties in the Opposition refused to attend this meeting.

As far back as 1st May this year, we heard that the P.A.P. had already finalised arrangements for the delineation of the constituencies. We also heard that the constituencies of Geylang East and Mountbatten would be combined into one constituency for the purpose of election to the Federal Parliament. In this particular combined constituency, the constituency for the U.M.N.O. candidate was excluded to ensure that the U.M.N.O. representative would not be defeated. So the P.A.P. is now resorting to all sorts of undemocratic means to ensure that they would be returned to the Federal Parliament.

They are now trying to make use of public funds to hold mass rallies during the Prime Minister's visits to the constituencies. In fact, when the Prime Minister returned from London, it was reported that some 20,000 people went to the Airport to welcome him. The information I received was that the P.A.P. hired about 50 S.T.C. buses to go round the rural areas to drive the residents to the Airport. But, in fact, some buses were quite empty throughout the whole night.

The P.A.P. are trying to deprive my Party of its symbol. I mentioned this during the last Budget debate. I said to the Minister for Home Affairs that my Party symbol was approved by the Registrar of Societies and the Registrar of Trade Unions, and he replied that there might be a possible confusion between my Party symbol and other emblems. I then said that my Party symbol was a unique three-circle symbol.

My Party also suggested that the elections should be conducted by an independent Elections Commission, but the P.A.P. were not in favour of this suggestion. After some bargaining, the P.A.P. were able to reach an agreement with the Federation Government to the effect that the first elections to the House of Representatives would be left entirely in the hands of the P.A.P. Who knows whether, before these elections are conducted, the P.A.P. would not have a desire to arrest the prospective candidates of the Opposition so that their own chances of being returned to the House of Representatives would greatly increase? All this threat of foul play and undemocratic means will not frighten the people. In fact, the people will see that the P.A.P. is defeated. On 31st August, 1963, when the Central Government takes over the responsibility of elections and the police, the P.A.P. will lose all control over the police. I believe this behaviour of the P.A.P. is going to bring about their own downfall.

Inche Yaacob Bin Mohamed Al-Haj: (In Malay): Mr Speaker, it is not my intention to speak at length on this matter. It is clear that if we wish to see a Malaysia Parliament whose Members are truly representatives of the people, then I cannot understand why some people are afraid to face the elections.

The Member for Cairnhill who talked at length in a raised voice charged that the P.A.P. Government has made preparations for safe seats for its Ministers to contest in the forthcoming elections. He has clearly shown that he is trying to measure his coat according to the measurement of others. Fortunately, because of his adaptability and the name of the Labour Party, he won the election in the Keppel Ward. But in 1955, he ran from Keppel Ward to Havelock. Subsequently, because his colleagues in the Labour Front contested against him in Havelock, he fled to Cairnhill for safety, so that none of his former Labour Front colleagues could be found in this Assembly, excepting himself - from the defunct Labour Party to the defunct Labour Front, thence to the S.P.A. and now to the Singapore Alliance. Mr Speaker, the Member for Cairnhill thumped his chest in this Chamber saying, "We challenge the Prime Minister to contest in bur ward, or we will go to the Prime Minister's constituency."

Mr Speaker: Order. I thought I heard the Parliamentary Secretary accusing the Member for Cairnhill of shouting in this House. He is doing the same thing now.

8.00 p.m.

Order. Moment of interruption. Dr Toh.