ELECTION OF PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE

2.31 p.m.

The Prime Minister: Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise to move the Motion* standing in my name.

• The Motion read as follows:

That this Parliament, in accordance with Article 17 of the Constitution, elects Mr Chengara Veetil Devan Nair as President of the Republic of Singapore.

One afternoon on the 27th October, 1952, I took a police launch from Clifford Pier to St. John's Island, then a rehabilitation centre for opium addicts. I had been retained by Yusof Ishak, the Managing Director of Utusan Melayu, to represent his detained editor, Samad Ismail. Between the 4th and 8th January, 1951, a year and a half previously, the Special Branch had arrested the first big batch of about 20 English-educated Communist cadres, probationary members, and members of the Anti-British League. It was a shock to people that these privileged English - educated intelligentsia and professionals had thrown in their lot with the Communists to overturn the system.

They were given special treatment, better rations than the average detainee. Theirs was a European diet, with butter and eggs and meat. Instead of Changi Prison, one camp of the Opium Addict Rehabilitation Centre at St. John's had been set aside for them. There, under the shade of a tembusu tree outside the chain-link fence, Samad and I sat on two wooden chairs with a small wooden table between us. Beyond the fence was a rectangular-shaped hut, isolated from the opium addicts, in case they were infected by more dangerous cravings.

A group of these detainees watched us as I took my instructions. Samad wondered what a lawyer could do for him. I made notes and talked about conditions on St. John's.

Across the chain-link fence, I spied a bespectacled Indian in shorts and slippers. He had a particularly pugnacious, angry face. He was short and squat. Samad told me he was his good friend, Devan Nair, an official of the Singapore Teachers' Union. He told me that under detention it was easy to see who were weaklings and who were strong men. He said his friend was a strong man. Later, I learned from R.B. Corridon, the Special Branch officer in charge of this group, that Nair was a member of the Anti-British League and was being cultivated for full CPM membership.

Nine years later, in June 1961, when the parting of the ways came for the Communist United Front and the PAP, Devan Nair was the only one strong enough to stand by the PAP and resist the takeover bid by the Communists.

The irony was he had been the Communist thorn in the PAP's side from 1954 to 1956, when he was on the Central Executive Committee of the PAP, always pressing views which advanced the Communist cause. When, however, the parting of the ways came in July 1961 after the Anson By-election between the Communists and the non-Communists in the PAP, he was absolutely staunch and courageous. Unlike those who treacherously went back on their solemn pledges of loyalty in a non-Communist PAP, he soldiered on with us.

He, more than anybody else, knew what the Communists would do to those who turned against them. He, more than anybody else, knew how dedicated, how fanatical, how tireless, how totally ruthless they were. These were the qualities which had won him over to their cause. These were qualities which made them formidable opponents. But dedication and resolve were also qualities he had. He knew he took grave risks when he threw himself wholeheartedly with the non-Communist leadership in the PAP. He knew how thin and inexperienced the PAP leadership was, how weak its organization, how short of cadres, how lacking in fanaticism, ruthlessness, and zeal the PAP cadres were.

Fortunately, the Communists lost: first, in the Referendum in September 1962 for merger and Malaysia, then in the elections for the Legislative Assembly in September 1963. Devan Nair had contested and lost in Farrer Park in the first elections in 1955. In March 1964, as a Malaysian citizen born in Malacca, the PAP fielded him for the seat of Bungsar, near Kuala Lumpur, in the Malaysian general elections. Of nine candidates, he was the only one who won. When the break with Malaysia came in 1965, he stayed behind to lead the PAP, later to become the DAP.

It was not lack of courage that made him leave Kuala Lumpur. The Cabinet decided that Singapore-Malaysia relations would always be bedevilled if Devan Nair remained as a DAP leader. I persuaded him to come back. I told him that the trade union movement in Singapore had to be rebuilt on different assumptions and with different attitudes. We had to have a union movement that would make Singapore a secure place to invest in. We wanted workers to be productive, capital to be safe, and yields to be high. He agreed to return to Singapore and made his preparations. In May 1969, when the Malaysian elections took place, he was in America, amongst other places, at the South-east Asia Studies Centre at Yale.

When he came back to Singapore, he threw himself into a modernization programme for the NTUC. The last 12 years have seen the re-education of our union leaders and workers into the realities making a living for Singapore and for Singaporeans. Leaders and workers are learning the meaning of management and productivity through the actual running of enterprises like NTUC insurance, INCOME, through the supermarkets in WELCOME, through running a fleet of taxis and vans in COMFORT.

Those of us old enough to remember the trade unionists and the workers of the 1950's, those of us who remember the simple but fearsome slogans of fighting the wicked colonialists and imperialists, or fighting the blood-sucking employers, must have found it ironic that this same group of union leaders was placed in this predicament. Instead of fierce speeches urging rebellion, they now had earnestly and painstakingly to explain the need for hard work, an honest day's wage for an honest day's work, an end to malingering and obstructionism, and a stop to industrial strife. If these leaders lacked the moral courage to change gears and to take a difficult U-turn at great speed, Singapore would not have made it. Without a capacity to rise above themselves and admit that their earlier compre- hension of problems was incomplete, without the courage to admit their errors and to persuade their followers to change course, modern Singapore would not have come about.

One golden thread runs through this broad tapestry of events covering the last 30 years - total dedication to a cause bigger than ourselves. Without such a cause, Devan Nair would not have been much different from the many school teachers or headmasters we have in Singapore. It was this total, complete commitment to fight and to work for a better society that brought out his strengths. His moral fibre withstood the pressures and the heat of crises. Because he wanted to do something about the sufferings and deprivations of the people, he became a tower of strength in our battles against the Communists and the Communalists. It needed fortitude to cease playing the hero, the strike leader, and instead to re-educate the workers, to reshape their attitudes towards management, from a confrontational to a cooperational one. The re-education is not yet complete. Some of the old adversary attitudes and antagonisms still linger on. Nevertheless, the tide has been turned. Changes are moving in the right direction and it is left to younger leaders to complete this task.

In March this year, when I first learned that the late President was critically ill, I asked the Cabinet to name possible successors. The Speaker and a few others outside Cabinet were also asked to help in the search. Eventually, a shortlist was settled. It had to be a different selection from 1970 or from 1959. For then, the distinguished men in their 5O's and 60's who had the attributes for the office were not directly involved in the political struggles of Singapore. They were a generation or two older than we were. They were apart from the fray. This time, the generation in their late 5O's and 60's was our generation, the same age group as my senior colleagues and myself. Anybody with any strength of character had taken sides. There are few outstanding men in the generation of Goh Keng Swee, S. Rajaratnam, Toh Chin Chye, K.M. Byrne, who were bystanders.

In the final shortlist of four, only one was not connected with the PAP. He was colourless compared to Devan Nair.

I do not have to enumerate Devan Nair's merits. Nor need I describe his temperament or his character. Many know him personally. Many more have read of him. Often, in the last 30 years of active public life, he has had to bare his soul. When I approached him in June, some three weeks after the late President's death, he was taken aback. I asked him to take his time to reflect on it. I told him that becoming President did not mean that he had to be quiet and bland. At 58, he could not but continue to be himself. The difference was that, in this role, he should be non-partisan. He had to rise above the fray between the PAP and the other political parties who aspired to be the government. He would have to represent all Singaporeans.

Many Communists who break with their faith immediately embrace another religion, with equal fervour. For these people, Communism had been their religion. When they reject Communism, they become as intense in their anti-communism as they were fanatical and irrational in their Communism. Most suffer psychological cracks, like those hairline cracks on a porcelain vase which has been carefully mended but will give way again when filled and under pressure. Devan Nair is an exception. He has retained his sense of proportion, his balance, and his equanimity. His moral fibre withstood the trauma of the rejection of his former faith in Communism.

Those of us who have known him well are confident that he will rise above his loyalties to the NTUC and the PAP to embrace a broader spectrum of loyal Singaporeans. We cannot change his character, his way of life, or his habits of a life-time. Indeed, they are his strengths. What will change is his role. From defender and champion of the workers, he must now become a focal point for all Singaporeans to identify themselves with. He can still be colourful, still be approachable, still be pungent; but he must be above the political fray.

His style must be uniquely his. After two weeks of deliberation, he asked me if he could continue to move freely and informally as he had always done, without the trappings of the President. He feared that these would cut him off from his old friends and fellow workers. I assure him from this Chamber that there is no reason why he should always be on parade. There will, of course, be times when he must be on parade, with ADCs, Guards of Honour, escorts, and all the pomp and circumstance that go with the office. There is no reason why, however, at ease and in mufti, he should not continue to be his old self. Indeed, his best contribution is to be himself. And if he makes it possible for those who had previously disagreed with him to feel that he is now President of Singapore, their President, that will be his best measure of success.

Men who have long years been in office develop a knack of taking the measure of the other men they meet. Those who meet Devan Nair will recognize that he is a man out of the ordinary. He will not diminish the high standing of the office of President.

Honourable Members, many of whom have known him for more than 20 years, will want to join me in wishing him success.

I move, Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir,

That this Parliament, in accordance with Article 17 of the Constitution, elects Mr Chengara Veetil Devan Nair as President of the Republic of Singapore.

Question proposed. 2.51 p.m.

The Acting Minister for Social Affairs (Dr Ahmad Mattar): ( In Malay): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise to second the Motion by the Prime Minister to elect Mr C.V. Devan Nair as President of the Republic of Singapore.

Mr Nair has made an immense contribution towards the growth of a responsible trade union movement in Singapore. In 1959, when the People's Action Party first assumed office, trade unions were infiltrated by Communists. They were manipulated by the Communists to serve their own political aims. The relationship between employers and unions was one of confrontation. And there was widespread disruption caused by strikes and lockouts.

During the 1960s, largely as a result of a tireless and courageous struggle waged by Mr Nair, the trade union movement was purged of communists and fellow-travellers. With the formation of the National Trades Union Congress, the movement assumed its proper role of safeguarding the long-term interests of workers and strengthening the foundations of economic and social development in the Republic. It is only fitting that, at a time- when the workers of Singapore are consciously striving to improve the quality of our products and improve the efficiency of our methods of production, a trade unionist of Mr Nair's stature should be elected to the high office of President.

During the relatively short period that he served as a Member of this House, Mr Nair earned a reputation as a distinguished parliamentarian. We, the Members of this House, are justly proud that, for the first time, a former Member is being elevated to the office of President. We shall miss him in this Chamber.

As a devoted husband and father, Mr Nair will symbolize the value that our society places on the sanctity of the family. In the midst of his many public duties, he has always found time to be with his family. He is a shining example for our younger generation.

My own personal acquaintance with Mr Nair dates back to 1972. In all my dealings with him, I have always found him to be humane and considerate, but unyielding on matters of principle. His sense of humour has lowered the temperature at many a meeting.

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, it is with feelings of great pride that I support the Motion to elect this distinguished citizen as the President of the Republic of Singapore. 2.55 p.m.

Mr Yeo Choo Kok (Delta): ( In Mandarin): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise to support the Motion moved by the Prime Minister.

In the past few days, various newspapers have given a very detailed description and account of the life and career of Mr Devan Nair, while people from different quarters have also expressed various views in the newspapers on his impending appointment as the third President of the Republic. This shows the concern that we all have for the affairs of the nation, and it is a good manifestation.

The Prime Minister, with the concurrence of the Cabinet, has moved the Motion for the election of Mr Devan Nair as President. This Motion must have been arrived at after much searching and very careful consideration, This Government is one that is very responsible to the people and is not perfunctory in all its affairs. Such a government would certainly not have made the choice of a prestigious appointment as the President of a country without having viewed the long-term perspective and weighed the relative priorities.

From considerations of the long-term perspective and relative priorities, in the context of an increasingly complex modern society, Mr Devan Nair is an appropriate choice for the Presidency. Looking from his life and career, we can say that Mr Devan Nair is a leader of the masses, a leader who could endure hardship, not minding personal loss or interests, not submitting to force or coercion, and faithful to principles. While we want a rugged and brave society, what he possesses is a rugged and brave spirit. The newspapers say that he has "s set of tough bones." This is most appropriate. All along, Sir, whether in the field of trade unionism or in politics, Mr Devan Nair had with this same spirit undauntingly made candid speeches at home and abroad in the interest of Singapore. This spirit of rationally fighting and arguing for the interest of the nation is one that is most sublime and supreme. It is because of this spirit in him that it is right and proper for him to assume the supreme office of President of the notion without any compunction.

Therefore, I feel that I should support the Motion by the Prime Minister. 2.58 p.m.

Mr M.K.A. Jabbar (Radin Mas): ( In Tamil): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, hon. Members who spoke before me welcomed the Motion moved by our Prime Minister and expressed their views and congratulated Mr Devan Nair. At this juncture, I too would like to join them and give my support to Mr Devan Nair as one who has been a colleague in the trade union movement, as one who has impressed me as a true friend of the workers, and as a supreme leader among trade union leaders.

I wish to point out that for a Republic which has developed itself with the strength of workers as its backbone, it is indeed befitting that a trade unionist who has sacrificed himself for the welfare of the workers becomes a President.

He is not only a trade unionist, he is also a social worker, a friend of the less fortunate, saviour of the poor. He wishes to seek reform in everything. He has not deviated from the path of morality, He is a great thinker. He has the feel of the pulse of the people. He has intertwined himself with the growth of Singapore. Indeed it is fortunate for Singaporeans to get him as President. I am proud and happy to say that Mr Devan Nair's service as a peace maker between employers and employees has earned him a place in the hearts of foreign trade unionists as well.

The election of Mr Devan Nair, the architect of trade union movement in Singapore, as the third President, will no doubt open a new chapter in the history of the Republic. Mr Devan Nair, who has the qualities of perseverance, selfless dedication, patience, commitment, and the courage to accept what is right and to reject what is wrong, is most suited to become the President of the Republic.

I would like to end my speech by saying that I hope he will continue his service to the people and the nation in the field of economics and spiritualism, and I hope we will have a prosperous nation in the future.

Sir, I fully support the Motion moved by the Prime Minister. 3.03 p.m.

Mr Ho See Beng (Khe Bong): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir. I fully support the Motion moved by the Hon. Prime Minister to elect Mr C. V. Devan Nair as President of our Republic. It has been my good fortune to have enjoyed a long association with Mr Nair, spanning two decades. I can therefore lay claim to speaking about him with some intimacy and knowledge.

To me, Devan is a friend, and I am also proud to say that he was my mentor. I first met him in 1960 when I was Secretary of the Singapore Printing Employees' Union, seeking advice from him on how best to improve pay and working conditions for the union's members. Mr Nair was confident that with the pro-Labour PAP Government that recently swept into power, my task would not be too difficult. He was right.

Devan taught me much of what I now know of the Labour movement and of politics. To list the lessons I learnt from him would be tiresome and meaningless, because these were acquired through years of experience and practice.

But one acknowledgement of my debt to Devan I wish to make is that he enabled me to differentiate between the national interest and narrow sectoral interests. Further, he could read situations and distinguish clearly between friend and foe - an ability I believe all sound politicians possess.

Mr Devan Nair's background and history are matters of public record. I shall not go into them, except to state that with his humble origin, with his dynamism, with his sharp intellect and international stature, with his proven contribution to the Singapore of today, I have no doubt he will add strength of character to the presidency.

Sir, if I were asked to point out the greatest single thing Devan Nair has done for our country, I would say this. I am firmly convinced that without Devan Nair at the helm of the trade union movement in the 60's and 70's, and without his unbending will to succeed against daunting odds as the non-Communists struggled for survival against the Communists in the 5O's and 60's, Singapore might have been a very different place today. Without Devan Nair's leadership, I think the NTUC would not have withstood the united front onslaught of the Barisan Sosialis nor would the Labour movement have transformed itself into a forward-looking, and positive force it now is in the present context of our economy.

But we should not look upon Mr Devan Nair's elevation to the presidency as a loss to the trade union movement, although it is that too. Rather, we should regard it as a gain for the whole of Singapore. With Devan out of the NTUC altogether, the able young men now in charge will have no 'safety net' so to speak. His departure from the trade union scene is thus significant in that the process of self-renewal in Singapore trade unionism may be taken to be complete.

The new union leaders must henceforth make it on their own steam, and be visibly seen to be doing so. In a real sense, with Devan Nair leaving the Labour movement, an era in Singapore is ending; his signal contribution in one sphere of Singapore's development, and his unique role therein, is over. Another phase is about to begin in Devan Nair's life.

We must ask ourselves honestly: can he do the job? Is he fit for it? I have searched my mind and my soul, and I have found the answers to both questions as "Yes."

One issue needs to be addressed, and that is the notion that as a politician, as a Party man, Devan Nair should perhaps not be chosen for a non-partisan, non-political post. My response to this proposition is two-fold. First, the most important criterion in the selection of our presidency should be the person, and not solely his past background. If Devan Nair is judged to be able to benefit Singapore in the office of the presidency, the fact that he was formerly a politician should not rob Singaporeans of the man as a potential president. Mark you, Devan has resigned all union, party and political posts.

Second, I am absolutely sure that, in the course of his duties as our next President, he will be able to conduct himself impartially and be above the hurly-burly of partisan politics. This may not come easy to him, having been a keen combatant in the political arena all these years, but I am confident he has the discipline and the statesmanship required of him.

Devan's role will not be simple. Many Presidents of modern republics have to bear the dubious distinction of having responsibility without power, while not avoiding the onerous tasks, both ceremonial and constitutional, that accompany the office.

As Head of State, the President is the focal point of loyalty in our young and diverse Republic, as well as our symbol of unity. The President is the living depository of all things Singaporean, and there is in truth no better person qualified to fill this post than Devan Nair.

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, we all have heard what the Prime Minister and other Members of this House have said about Devan Nair, and therefore in supporting this Motion I am sure the House will join me in wishing him well, good health and good grace.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That this Parliament, in accordance with Article 17 of the Constitution, elects Mr Chengara Veetil Devan Nair as President of the Republic of Singapore.