NANYANG UNIVERSITY BILL
Legislative Assembly of Singapore · 3 December 1958 · 1st Legislative Assembly
Official Report, 3 December 1958, Vol 8, Issue 1 · Open in the reader (summaries, search, filters)
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
Resumption of debate on Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
Question again proposed.
2.31 p.m.
Mr R. Jumabhoy (Telok Ayer): Mr Speaker, Sir, I must congratulate the founders of the University who have had a very trying time and who are now nearing success. I have been to the University many a time, and I admire this fine institution and the work which it is doing and will do.
One of the Members from this side of the House said that it should be a University for all races. Let me tell him that there are quite a few Indians who are full members and who were among the first to donate to the founding of this institution. It is rather late in the day for this Government, now with a different label, to acknowledge and help, and help only with a paltry sum. I hope the future Government will give this University its due place in the Colony.
One thing I must remind those in charge of the University is that they should not produce people who will do clerical jobs only. The time will come very soon when we will be free and independent, and what we want is to run our own country. The colonial period - 134 years now - has not yet produced enough people with required diplomas who could manage our own affairs. It is only recently we have been trying to send students to the universities abroad to get their diplomas.
2.33 p.m.
Mr William Tan: Mr Speaker, Sir, the policy of the Government is to provide equal treatment for all schools. Why cannot the Minister for Education accord to Nanyang University the same treatment as is given to the University of Malaya? As we all know, Nanyang University came into being through the efforts of certain rich merchants and a very big number of workers of all types, who, because they had the interest of Chinese education of this country at heart, voluntarily devoted their time and money in building Nanyang University in 1954.
Nanyang University, established this year, will provide further studies for those students leaving Chinese schools after they have passed Senior Middle School examinations. I cannot understand why Government should delay the recognition of degrees from Nanyang University. The University should deserve the fullest support from Government.
I would also remind the Minister for Education that 60 per cent of the students at present studying in Nanyang University are from the Federation. The Government should therefore make an attempt to try and get financial support from the Federation Government. If you look at the two Bills - one for the University of Malaya and the other for Nanyang University - you will see that there is discrimination. Why should there be discrimination? Even the Nanyang University Students' Union, a very important organ of the University, has been left out of the Nanyang University Bill. Is not this discrimination? Government, instead of showing equal treatment for all the students of Singapore, is thinking of barring the students from forming their union. The Minister for Education just said that he will amend that clause. The students' body of the University of Malaya also raise their objection to this omission. I think it is the concern of Government that Nanyang University should be put under its wing, and grant-in-aid extended to it.
2.37 p.m.
Mr Tan Siak Kew (Nominated): Mr Speaker, Sir, as one of the eleven original founders of Nanyang University, I thought I ought to rise, not only to support the Government, but to thank it for bringing this Bill to the Assembly. I might perhaps also try to clarify some of the misunderstandings about Nanyang University.
Nanyang University was proposed at a time when the founders were convinced that, because the student population in the Chinese schools was very much bigger than that in the English schools, they had a need to go out for higher studies. That need was not available here, in view of the state that the University of Malaya was in. They could not accept enough students so as to prevent them from being attracted to China and other overseas territories for their higher education.
At the start, a lot of misunderstanding was created and there was strong opposition to the establishment of this University, because it was thought that the founding of Nanyang University would divert private donations from the University of Malaya; and secondly, it might create a divergence of loyalty. The founders were convinced that they would be helping the country by helping to absorb these surplus students for their higher education. I hope it is now fully proved that not only does it not divert the common loyalty, but it is also now taking in students whom the University of Malaya cannot take, students in fact from English schools.
The common misunderstanding about Nanyang University is perhaps this - as a Member has just mentioned - that it is only for Chinese education. In fact, it is not. Any student of Nanyang University must know English. In fact, a lot of the subjects in the faculties have to be taught in English - Science, Commerce and so on - so that, in fact, it is at least a bilingual university.
It was due to the unity of purpose of the founders and the people that we have been able to create Nanyang University. Last year, Sir, professors from the United Kingdom who came over here and paid a visit to the University had variously estimated the buildings, hostels, the library, including the three faculties, to cost round about $25 million when we had actually spent about $6.8 million. I am still one of the Treasurers of the University, and we know that the cost of this University would, in fact, be less than that of the Polytechnic which the Government is building. Now that is one of the misunderstandings which I want to remove. It is not only a university for Chinese learning. In fact, we already have plans to teach Malay. All students, whether they be Malay, Indian, or even European would be equally welcome into the University. We hope also that if this misunderstanding is removed, the Government of the Federation of Malaya will realise, as the Singapore Government, I think has fully realised now, that it is in fact an undertaking on the same national basis as the University of Malaya, and will give it more support.
Quite recently, we had to debate whether an increase in fees should be introduced next year. The fees at the start were $30. The original students still pay $30, but for the students who joined last year, they will have to pay $60. For next year it has been proposed that this fee, in order to cover the necessary expenditure, should be increased to $100 per pupil. It is quite understandable that with the present trade recession the merchants who had originally undertaken to contribute very large sums are perhaps finding difficulty in doing so now, and the Government of Singapore must be prepared to support Nanyang University to a very much larger extent if it is to be kept going as it is now. I also hope the Federation Government will fully understand the purposes of the University, and in time also give their support to it, since it has been pointed out that over 60 per cent of the students in Nanyang University are from the Federation.
2.45 p.m.
The Minister for Local Government, Lands and Housing (Dato Abdul Hamid Bin Haji Jumat): Mr Speaker, Sir, I was somewhat disturbed to hear the speech of the Member for Changi (Mr Lim Cher Kheng) this morning. I do not know why he has particularly singled out the Malays in connection with the Nanyang University Bill which was introduced by the Minister for Education.
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: For a good reason.
Dato Abdul Hamid: To my mind, Sir, I think that this is a dangerous and deliberate attempt to foster communalism in this Assembly. What I want to know, Sir, from the Member for Changi is this. Is he insinuating that we, the Malays of Singapore, are anti-Nanyang University? Is he trying to say that we, the Malays of Singapore, are anti-Chinese culture?
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: I never said that.
Mr Speaker: Order.
Dato Abdul Hamid: If he is, Sir, then he is making a very great mistake.
Mr Lim Cher Kheng rose -
Mr Speaker: Is it on a point of elucidation?
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: On a point of explanation, Sir.
Mr Speaker: If the Minister will give way.
Dato Abdul Hamid: I will not give way.
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: Coward!
Mr Speaker: Order. The hon. Member knows that that word is not permitted in this Assembly. Will he please withdraw that word?
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: I withdraw it, Sir.
Mr Speaker: If the Member for Changi feels that he has been misunderstood, he will have the opportunity of making a personal explanation after the Minister has completed his speech and I will give him the opportunity. Dato Abdul Hamid.
Dato Abdul Hamid: Sir, we, the Malays of Singapore, are anti no one except those who are dishonest and those who would stoop low enough to become stooges of a non-Malayan way of life and that, Sir, would include those who are disloyal to this country. On this question, we the Malays of Singapore will never compromise. To make my point clear again, Sir, on this question of the Bill which Government has introduced, I for my part and my Party support it fully.
Mr Speaker: Mr Lim Cher Kheng, in explanation.
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: Mr Speaker, Sir, it is with the deepest of regret that I had to hear the speech by one of the respected Ministers on the Government Benches who also happens to be the leader of a communal Party.
Mr Speaker: Order I think the hon. Member is going beyond the limit permitted by Standing Order 30 (4) which merely says:
"A Member who has spoken to a question may again be heard to offer explanation of some material part of his speech which has been misunderstood; but he shall not introduce new matter."
If the hon. Member will confine himself to the passage in his speech which he alleges has been misunderstood, he will be in order.
Mr Lim Cher Kheng: Sir, I categorically deny the allegation made by the Minister for Local Government, Lands and Housing that in my speech this morning I singled out the Malays as anti-Chinese culture and anti-Nanyang University. I only said that it is time for the Malayan leaders to open their eyes and contribute towards its success.
2.50 p.m.
Mr Lee Kuan Yew: Mr Speaker, Sir, I think that all the speakers who have contributed to this debate were aware of the massive demonstration of Chinese enthusiasm in support of Nanyang University when it was opened earlier this year. Today I think they all join in paying tribute to an institution which they all know has the unquestioned support and loyalty and which symbolises the determination and ambition of the mass of the Chinese population throughout Malaya. Sir, therefore it becomes a time when a few more votes are attempted at. I would like to take this opportunity to say how difficult it is for us to find a solution to our long-term problems unless we have our political leadership willing, able and courageous enough, to face up to its problems.
Sir, there is one great difference between Nanyang University and the University of Malaya which nobody has pointed out, namely, when we passed the University of Malaya Ordinance, there was a parallel in the Federation. There is none in the Nanyang University. What it means today is that it is a demonstration of the answer to the conflict of forces in the Singapore situation. Within the context of the Singapore situation, with a population of 1½ million of which a little over a million are Chinese, the answer is obvious. With a resurgent and rejuvenated China, powerful, and with a proud people, where the culture is undergoing a renaissance, it is inevitable that it must find its ripples and its echoes in South-East Asia, and nowhere in South-East Asia amongst the 15 million overseas Chinese are the overseas Chinese so fortunately placed as in Singapore. Nowhere in the capitals of any of the independent nations in South-East Asia - Rangoon, Bangkok, Saigon, Manila and Djakarta - have Chinese commercial ability and trading skill won them a place of such importance. In none of them are they able to wield the political power which today makes the Government openly recognise the establishment of Nanyang University.
Sir, this raises tremendous problems if we do not understand the difference between the long-term and the short-term approach. If we want to look for a few votes for next year's elections, then the line we can take in this Chamber, and outside in Press statements, will be different from the line we will take, if what we have at heart is not a few votes, but the future well-being, prosperity, harmony, national solidarity and unity of seven million Malayans.
Sir, one million Chinese unfortunately cannot determine the future of Malaya. Not even three million Chinese in the Federation can determine the future of Malaya. And it is that future which we have to determine - or at least the basis of a solution to that future (the formulation of the Malayan nation has to be agreed) - before we will get the Federation Government to agree to acknowledge Nanyang University as a Malayan institution to which they grant recognition, and which they also subsidise. Otherwise let us face the fact: what Nanyang University will become is a Singapore University - and a Chinese one at that - despite all the efforts to try and colour it, and despite all the efforts to introduce the teaching of Malay and Indian languages, and so on.
Finally, at the back of the minds of the Malay people - the Tunku is a very honest and a very frank man who agreed that the P.A.P. analysis of why there is no merger is correct - they want to know what happens to the Malay language and the Malay culture in the new Malayan nation. If theirs is going to be the secondary language and the secondary culture in a free and open competition of cultures and languages, then there will be trouble. Then you will never get recognition of Nanyang University, because Nanyang University represents to them the dynamism, drive, and ability of a very powerful culture and of a very able people. When we settle this question of national language, and the basis upon which the new Malaya is to be built, and we satisfy them that the Malay language is the national language, then they will not object to anybody learning their own language and fostering the development of their own culture within the context of a Malayan society.
Sir, no university can exist as a good university in the modern world without State grants. A privately-endowed university which is able to carry out its duties as a seat and centre of learning and research and the quest for human knowledge, is no longer possible unless the large expenses which a good university must incur in equipment and recurrent costs are met from Government funds. The fact that a group of Chinese leaders have been able to get Nanyang University started is a tribute to their determination and drive. But I think that they will be the first to acknowledge, now that they have started it, that its future prosperity as a University cannot depend on the fluctuations in the rubber or tin trade. Having started the University, you cannot put up or cut down your fees and admit more or less students, as the price of rubber goes up or comes down, or the bank accounts of your rubber brokers go up or come down. Let us face this that in Singapore, so long as you have an electorate such as it is, it must inevitably mean that Nanyang University will be subsidised by the Singapore Government and its degrees will ultimately be recognised by the Singapore Government. There is no escape from that logical conclusion so long as you seek the answer in a Singapore context. Given the facts obtaining in the Singapore election register, the answer is obvious.
What I would like to know the answer to is not Nanyang University in the context of a Singapore situation, but Nanyang University in the context of a Malayan situation and, more, Nanyang University in the context of a South-East Asia situation. Let me elaborate. By the curious twists and turns of British colonial government, Singapore is emerging as a semi-independent City in which, as a result of the past immigration policy of the British Government in wanting efficient and cheap labour, the power in the hands of the electorate is largely Chinese. Let us face the facts. The Chinese, including those who have been here for generations, are determined to preserve their language and culture. If we deny that, then we are being dishonest.
Sir, at the same time, this power poses acutely the problems which the Malay people have to face. They have not been able to found a Malay university. They have, it is true, a college to teach the tenets of Islam. It is unlikely that, without State grants, such an institution would ever be found. They watch this institution, therefore, with a certain amount of apprehension because they would like to know what the ultimate future holds for them. What does it symbolise? I believe that the leader of Singapore U.M.N.O. is quite sincere when he says he is not against Nanyang University. He cannot be because he is in a Chinese situation in Singapore, but, at the same time, I would like to admit that I do not believe that this is the answer which the South-East Asia situation would give.
Ethnologically, Singapore stands in the centre of a belt of Malay-speaking people, stretching from the north of Sumatra right down to the Celebes, perhaps nearly to the tip of West Irian. There are 80-million such people, and one day they are going to put their house in order. When that happens, this is their region. Therefore I say, as a Chinese, I would not wait and create problems which are difficult of solution later on, but would resolve these problems now before they get out of control. It is as simple as this. 60 per cent of the students are from the Federation. But the Federation Government is not going to pay one cent in support of Nanyang University, or the students, let alone pass a statute openly recognizing it as a seat of learning and as an institution for the advancement of human knowledge, until they are quite sure that it fits in with the scheme of things which is acceptable to them. And what I would like to pose to this Assembly is the long-term problem of finding that basis which is acceptable, not only to the Malays in the Federation, but one which will fit in with the pattern of South-East Asia.
Nanyang as a university, where primarily the Chinese foregather, is not objectionable, and will not be, provided it does not pose a threat to the indigenous language and indigenous culture. And if we want a solution, then I say, openly recognize this fact today - that the basis for national unity and solidarity in Malaya is only possible on the basis of a Malayan national language. When that offer is acceptable, then not only accept it, but translate in into practice where your students in Nanyang pursue their studies of Confucius, be it with the imprimatur of the Communists, or without the imprimatur of the Communists, depending upon whether the textbooks are imported from the mainland of China or from Taiwan. The time when all those students can converse with Hon, the Dato, who is our Deputy Chief Minister, in a language which he understands, and perhaps even with more erudition if he has had the time to study that language, is the time when we have struck the basis of national solidarity. Nobody minds it, provided he knows that it is not a language which is going to replace Malay. But so long as he believes that it is a language which may well not only claim an equal status but ultimately claim more than an equal status, then you will find no solution to the problems.
If the Member for Changi today not only pleads his case but is able at the same time to demonstrate to the Malay people that he can speak Malay as well as everybody else, or as well as every other Malay, then we have a basis for national solidarity; because then nobody will be worried if the Member for Changi does speak English which is heavily accentuated with the Teochew, Mandarin and Cantonese dialects. It is only when we have settled the base that we can put Nanyang University at the apex of an education pyramid. At the moment its base is different from that of the University of Malaya. The University of Malaya has a diversified Malayan base and, for that reason, although the Tunku and his education experts want to try and insulate Singapore students - in case it is believed that radicalism is endemic only to Singapore - he acknowledges that it is the stream from which the administrators, the technicians and the technologists who are going to run the apparatus of State, the organs of government are to come. What is going to happen now, unless we find a solution quickly, is that hundreds of able and energetic graduates of Nanyang University (60 per cent of whom have come from the Federation) will be unable to get jobs in the Federation, and they will therefore remain here to seek employment. Therefore, all that we are creating is a more difficult situation to resolve as the population and this group of people expand and become more and more dissatisfied with the existing order. If, however, an attempt is made now to explore the possibilities and to formulate the terms and conditions under which Nanyang could become a Malayan university, and not merely a Singapore university, then we might be able, in the early formative years of the University, to shape and design its policy and to lead it along parallel lines with the University of Malaya. If we do not do that, then we are in for a very difficult time, which will get more and more difficult year by year.
Sir, if we admit that Singapore and the Federation are one economic unit, as I heard the Minister for Commerce and Industry admit, and we do not want this one economic unit to be torn asunder by all the stresses and strains of ethnological, linguistic, and other divisions, let us resolve them before they become acute. In the last and final analysis, we survive or fail according to whether we can find a solution which is not only acceptable to the Malays, but also to the Chinese and the Indians. The Indians do not pose the same difficulty because they do not pose as a counter culture competing for supremacy. The Chinese do, and it does no good not to acknowledge this. Let us openly acknowledge it and find a solution, and when we find it, then we have got the basis of a healthy state.
Sir, the easiest thing in the world today is to stir up deep-seated emotional prejudices. When the Ceylonese united left-wing group won the last elections on the basis of Singhalese as the national language, with the aid of Buddhist monks, I do not think they envisaged that ultimately there would be martial law in Ceylon as the Tamils revolted. In the same way, I do not believe for one moment that the Federation Government, whatever its policies and desire, can prevent the continuance of the Chinese language as the mother tongue, and one of the media of instruction of the Chinese in their schools, unless, of course, a bloody revolution is not considered a deterrent enough. But at the same time, a state of deadlock where one views the other with suspicion, because one believes the other wants ultimately to obtain supreme control over the minds and the, tongues of all, must lead to a gradual deterioration of racial relations. In Singapore we have a very good opportunity in a numerically Chinese-dominated city to demonstrate to the Malays, both here, in the Federation and in South-East Asia, that we are prepared to be part of the Malayan scene and part of the South-East Asian context. The less we have of chauvinist slogans or sentiments whilst discussing a matter highly charged with emotion, and particularly Chinese chauvinist slogans, the healthier it is for everyone.
Sir, we support this Bill but, at the same time, express our regrets that a Malayan solution has not been found to the problems of Nanyang University, both as regards its recognition and its financial continuance.
3.13 p.m.
Mr R. C. H. Lim (Nominated): Mr Speaker, Sir, I am glad to see the support given by this House to Nanyang University. All the support is deserving but the most important of this support is that coming from UMNO's representative. Without the Nanyang University, where could the Chinese students, having finished their secondary education in the Chinese schools, go to? If they were to go to the Chinese mainland, they would be given a one-way ticket from which there would be no return. If they were to go to Formosa, their loyalty to Malaya would be questioned. So Nanyang University offers them a solution. Hence we have full support, with students coming not only from Singapore, but also from the Federation of Malaya to Nanyang University.
Sir, in order to have personal contact with the students, I spend two hours every week at the University and I can give my assurance to the non-Chinese communities in Singapore that the students of Nanyang University are loyal citizens of Malaya. They were proud of their Federation of Malaya citizenship; so they told me when they came to me. That assurance also applies to the Nanyang University students from Singapore.
There is one other assurance I would like to give to this House, to the whole of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya, and it is this: that the Nanyang University students accept Malay as the national language of the whole of Malaya.
The future, Sir, can be this. Nanyang University might become one of the colleges of the University of Malaya. A portion of the University of Malaya in Singapore might also be known as Singapore college. Nanyang college, Singapore college and Kuala Lumpur college, might form the University of Malaya in a Pan-Malayan setup. Let there be no fear of the loyalty of the students of the Nanyang University.
I am very glad that there will be some provision made for the Students' Union; that perhaps a building will be given to the students of Nanyang University over which they shall have absolute control. I remember, when I was in the University of Hongkong as an undergraduate, that the whole building was given to the students and they had absolute control so much so that they had even the right to exclude any member of the teaching staff. We enjoyed that, Sir, and it is from these little things that we have such loyalty to our alma mater. Sir, in my vision, the Nanyang University will be a lighthouse in South-East Asia. May it be so.
3.16 p.m.
Mr John Ede: Mr Speaker, Sir, this. Bill represents a necessary and proper evolutionary development in Singapore's educational progress, and few would wish to do other than welcome it. But as the taxpayer will have to help pay for the running of the University, it is reasonable that Government should participate in its administration and guide its deliberations. What is vital, however, is that the academic standards should be proper University standards, and it is a pity that it has not been able to establish this yet at this stage. We hope that the Commission will be able to complete the work next year as soon as possible and solve a vital problem. We welcome this Bill, and the fact that it will go to the Select Committee for further examination so that if there is still any controversy or misunderstanding in any of the provisions they can be ironed out. I think the Assembly has contributed in the past few years to a broader-minded understanding of the issues in Singapore, educational, academic, cultural and social, call them what you will. It is important to bring the Nanyang University within the comity of Malayan educational institutions, and we hope that the Bill will be a step towards this end. I think it is important to realise that, as the hon. Member for Tanjong Pagar has said more eloquently than I could, it is the first step and not the last.
3.18 p.m.
Mr Lim Choon Mong (Serangoon): Mr Speaker, Sir, I welcome this Bill, and I say that the Malays have no fear of Nanyang University as a threat to them. I do not believe that when we start anything it will be perfect. Rome was not built in a day. Today we find that Nanyang University has already started Malay as a language, and I am certain that it will be developed in such .a manner as to make it one of the very important subjects in that University. Those who are sitting in control of that University are men of intelligence and experience, and I am certain that their guidance will not lead Nanyang astray, but lead it so that it becomes .a pattern in our Malayan scene.
So far as the University is concerned, Sir, I welcome the establishment of another institution for higher education. The addition of another university to Malaya and Singapore is a blessing for the whole of Malaya and will give opportunities to a greater number of students to have a chance of higher studies. In fact, as a school teacher, I have found that many of our students cannot get places in the University of Malaya, and that a large percentage of them has gone overseas to study, even in English universities. All of them, or a very high percentage of them, did well and returned with degrees from foreign lands. The creation of Nanyang University will help those who have no means to travel abroad, and I certainly think that we have to give it the fullest support.
Many years ago, a long time before the war, we did not hear of any university in Malaya. Anybody who wanted a degree must go overseas, coming back with degrees either from English universities, European universities or American universities. Today, we find that we are starting Our own university. I hope that we will be able to develop our university so that it will not only serve Malaya and Singapore alone, but will serve the whole of South-East Asia.
Singapore is the focal point for trade and communications, and I hope that it will also be the centre for learning in South-East Asia. This is a land where democracy still rules. We all support the idea of democracy, we support this ideal, and if we have students from other countries around us coming to these universities to learn our ideals, then I think democracy will thrive in the whole of South-East Asia.
Previous to the opening of Nanyang University, we have only the Malayan University meant for students who are educated in English. Those who were from Chinese schools were forced to go to China for further studies. If Nanyang University were not opened, they would either be stranded in Singapore or Malaya or they had to start their schooling all over again in order to get admission into English universities.
There has been a fear expressed by the Member for Tanjong Pagar that, by creating Nanyang University, we are turning out many trained people who will be coming out and yet cannot find employment. I feel that there should be no such fears. Many able people are required in commercial firms. I would say that the best talents are absorbed into all these institutions. Business must progress and today we find many of the local businesses progressing to as high a level of efficiency as those of the European communities. They need men, and they need men who are trained in a language that will be useful to them. Nanyang University students know Chinese, and certainly our trade needs this language. If we trade with the West we need English and European languages; and if we trade with the East we need Chinese. We need both the languages, and we need Malay if we are trading with Indonesia. I think from these institutions you will find men coming out well able to take care of this need. I am certain that they will not come out with the problem of unemployment aggravated, but certainly they can be absorbed into the commercial firms or Government Departments of all territories.
Today the Minister for Education has pointed out that the Government has come to the aid of Nanyang University. We welcome that, and we certainly feel that this is a gesture that Government will come out with greater assistance as time goes on when the need is proved; but I would like to stress that universities must not have assistance granted them with strings attached. Universities should be independent institutions, free from rigid controls, and they should develop and contribute to this land in the best way they can, and not in the manner dictated by Government. Nanyang University will have the guidance of its elder brother, the University of Malaya, and with mutual assistance exchanged between these two universities, Nanyang University will have a bright future.
Source: Singapore Parliament Official Report (Hansard) for 3 December 1958. Republished on SGParliament.