YANG DI-PERTUAN NEGARA'S SPEECH (Debate on the Address)

Debate resumed.

7.22 p.m.

Mr Ong Eng Guan (Hong Lim): Mr Speaker, Sir, we have come to the grand finale of the P.A.P. drama. As we approach nearer to the closing scenes, we cannot help feeling touched to see the last days of this once great Party drawing closer, for it is apparent to us that no miracle can save this P.A.P. Government from doom, not even a miraculous victory in Sembawang - and victory is doubtful - nor a second mass swoop of political opponents, even detaining the Member for Hong Lim, that is, if the Prime Minister can successfully convince the Internal Security Council of the necessity to detain his bitterest rival in the Singapore political arena.

7.23 p.m.

[Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Mammen) in the Chair]

Mr Ong Eng Guan (Hong Lim): Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Government's policy speech reads like a funeral oration. There was not the bounce and the note of absolute confidence that were in the speech in the First Session of the Assembly, with 43 seats on the Government side. The tone and the language have changed with each subsequent Session. During the beginning of the Second Session, the number of Government seats was reduced to 40; at the beginning of the Third Session, 13 Members defected from the P.A.P.; and in this final Session, the P.A.P. Government with only 25 Members, having lost their mandate, are living from day to day on the charity of the S.P.A.-Alliance which it despises. The last policy speech of the P.A.P. Government was empty, lifeless, but full of veiled threats. It was couched in the language and the tone of a Government that has been defeated.

The P.A.P. are finished. The flock might now know where the future lies, but not the shepherd. We must give the shepherd some credit for his political knowledge and his grasp of the ground position, however superficial it may be. The shepherd knows that the P.A.P. ship is heading for the rocks. Once the ship is piloted along the wrong course, it will eventually hit the rocks and no amount of whitewashing of the ship can save it from disaster.

Sir, the ground position is this. Being responsible for the assessment of the ground position for the City Council and the general elections, I think I can speak with some authority on the situation. There is now not one single constituency in Singapore that the P.A.P. can claim as a safe seat - not even one, Sir. Not even Sembawang can be claimed as a safe seat despite its being nurtured for nearly four years with the greatest investment per voter in the provision of water, light, street-lights, telephone booths, rural roads and various other amenities.

The days of the P.A.P. are therefore numbered. One thing with the P.A.P. leadership is that they talk of democracy but never practise it. The P.A.P. leadership is incapable of tolerating a democratic Opposition and of gracefully withdrawing from the scene when their time is up. The irony that the democratic Opposition can survive in Singapore is because there are three Governments making decisions upon our future, namely, the Singapore Government, the British Government and the Federation Government. Whatever we might disagree with the policies of the present Federation Government, we must say that it is more capable of tolerating a democratic Opposition. The P.A.P. leadership is different. It comprises of men who refuse to understand the true meaning of competition for political leadership within the democratic framework. Never have we seen in a democratic system the vast array of weapons of oppression, suppression and victimisation being so fully developed and deployed to crush all political opposition. The Lim Yew Hock Government looks like a dwarf in this respect. Therefore, in this three-power control over Singapore, the mockery of it is that the Singapore Government is the most vicious. Personal feelings are mixed with differences of Party policies; political treachery is combined with ruthlessness: arrogance is blended with the capacity to twist.

It is with this background that we should read into the deeper meaning of the Government's policy speech. It painted to us a gloomy picture of black clouds hanging over the horizon. The self-styled "saviour of democracy" was in the forefront fighting to save us from the "enemies of democracy" like Saint George fighting the Dragon in order to save England. Sir, it was this same Saint George, as late as March 1961, before he was canonised, in his own self-confession, who told us he regularly held meetings with the Dragon. Although I have known Saint George before he was canonised, it was the first time I heard of the Dragon. The picture of darkness and gloom outlined in the policy speech, is in our opinion, meant to condition the minds of the people, and lay the spade-work for a second mass swoop before the general elections.

The coming months will be interesting as we watch events unfolding themselves with even greater speed. If in the by-election of Sembawang, the P.A.P. by a stroke of good fortune happen to win, then we can expect general elections for the Singapore State Assembly, under the new Constitution within the Malaysian Plan framework, to come soon after, but if the P.A.P. lose this seat in the by-election, then we can expect to see more P.A.P. mischief and more magic shows being directed and performed, and the general elections indefinitely postponed, until the S.P.A-Alliance considers it-ripe enough, in its own interests, to withdraw its support, topple the Government and force the elections.

Sir, it is therefore time for us to draw a balance-sheet of the P.A.P. Never has a Government lost popular support within such a short space of time. Long before the defeat of the P.A.P. in the Hong Lim and Anson by-elections, they had already lost the masses. The results of rolling of the two by-elections were only manifestations of the shifting of ground which happened long before the two by-elections. The P.A.P. Government lost public confidence very rapid1y after they formed the Government. The masses voted the P.A.P. on the record of the City Council work. It turned out that the Lee Kuan Yew government was not much better, after all, than the Lim Yew Hock Government. The masses soon lost their confidence. They became disillusioned. Political parties are like banks. Once a bank publicly cheats its customers, no amount of publicity or inducements will be able to restore public confidence for customers to place deposits with it. Despite the Prime Minister's visits to the rural constituencies, despite the fanfare, despite the entertainment and the publicity, all these things will not be able to revive the PA.P. The P.A.P. leaders may be able to deceive the British representatives that it commands popular support. The British representatives are not in contact with the ordinary men who make up the sum total of the electorate. The British might be easily persuaded to believe that once the Member for Hong Lim is detained, though ridiculous it would seem to be as he has also been a former member of that most exclusive club, the Internal Security Council, the ground is open for contest only between the Prime Minister and the Member for Cairnhill, and in this contest the P.A.P. thinks, but with which I beg to differ from them, that it will win.

Sir, in the elections to come, people will vote for any other Party, or even Independents, but not the P.A.P. The ability to twist and turn both inside and outside this Chamber is no substitute for consistency in politics. In this connection, Sir, it must be remembered that once the British supported the Progressives. The Progressives lost. It later switched its support to the S.P.A. The S.P.A. lost. Now it is betting on the P.A.P. and, from the nature of things, he whom the British supports will lose. I must say that the British have great powers of auto-suggestion. They read the Straits Times. They listened to sweet-honey talk between cocktails. Unfortunately, unlike King Midas, whatever the British touched did not turn into gold, but instead relics for the national museum.

Sir, at this juncture, let us take a lesson from the failings of the P.A.P. Government. It tries to be too smart. I has no consistent policies. It plays all sides. Having worked with the Communists until and during the Hong Lim by-election, it played them out. Then leading the Federation leaders up the garden path, it tries to sour up things at the last minute, trying to challenge who should be the rent collector in the future Singapore Government and making a big issue out of it, I would say for electioneering purposes.

What the P.A.P. Government is now fighting against the Federation Government is the right of who should be the rent collector. The P.A.P. is now having false dreams after its visits to the rural constituencies that it can continue to be the next Government, and having surrendered to the Federation the meat earlier, namely, the right to regulate and decide our own financial and economic policies, it now wants to fight for the bones - to be a rent collector, in other words. For it seems to them now that unless this is being done, its present Minister for Finance would lose his post if the P.A.P. really can have a second go. The P.A.P. Government is now getting famous, Sir, for its double talk and its double face. There are many examples of this double face policies, and double talk is a dangerous game which is sure of being caught in the end. I would not be surprised if the British lion one day got played out too. Double talk, zigzagging, is a characteristic of the P.A.P. leadership.

Take the example of Malayan and Indonesian relations. What is the open and unequivocal stand of the Prime Minister of Singapore on this issue? Indonesia's verbal opposition to Malaysia is one thing. But suppose Indonesia's confrontation policy becomes hot, and suppose it decides to resort to military force, would the Prime Minister of Singapore still sit on the fence as he is doing now, or would he openly come forward to rally the people of Singapore against any militant action by Indonesia? What happens to our so-called great patriot? Why is he so equivocal and non-committal and double-faced? I say I have contributed substantially to the establishment of friendly relations between Singapore and Indonesia.

It is in our Party programme, Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, to maintain friendly relations with all our neighbours. But I say that in the event we are ever threatened with military action from Indonesia, it is a different matter altogether, and we, as Citizens of this country, no matter whether we are Malays or Chinese, Indians or Eurasians, must be prepared to stand up and defend it. We must be prepared to state unequivocally our stand despite our opposition to the terms and conditions of merger. Nothing. Sir, can save the P.A.P. now.

The talk of the Prime Minister just now of his gigantic projects - the Outram Gaol scheme, the Johore River scheme, the Bedok land reclamation scheme, this scheme, that scheme, brought in during this final phase of the P.A.P. reign, are meant to deceive the people for electioneering purposes. The lease of life of the P.A.P. Government is so short now that it can talk big, can talk of huge giant projects without having to assume the responsibility of implementing them or to complete them. None of this talk can deceive the people and help to resuscitate the P.A.P. There is not one single section of the population in Singapore which now supports the P.A.P. Let us ask ourselves which section of the population in Singapore supports the P.A.P., whether they be workers or farmers, trishaw-riders or hawkers, civil servants or shop-keepers, rich or poor. No single section of the population has any more trust in the P.A.P. The P.A.P. might have isolated support from a few individuals in each section, from those who have obtained personal benefits from the P.A.P. Government, but the P.A.P. now has lost all its base. Not one section of the people is its base. Not one single constituency among the 51 is a safe seat for the P.A.P. It is, therefore, easy, Sir, to understand the reasons for the recent mass arrests and maybe possible future mass arrests before the general elections are to come. But all these actions would only bring the P.A.P. further down the drain. The P.A.P. can have sweet dreams and can force the people to go to the polis, but it cannot force the people to vote for it in spite of its community centres and Work Brigade, radio and television.

Therefore, despite its much publicised massive construction, it has little chance of staging a come-back. It genuinely believes that if the ground can be cleared - and that the P.A.P. thinks is its last hope - for a fight only between two contestants, the Prime Minister and the Member for Cairnhill, the P.A.P. will therefore win first, because it will try to pose itself as being a socialist Party again. As I see it, the P.A.P. is determined to win at all costs. Never have all the rules of conduct in the democratic system been so much violated. Detention laws, the P.P.S.O., and the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Ordinance, have all been used to deal with personal adversaries and political opponents of all shades of colour. Never have detention laws, which were promulgated with avowed objectives to keep the democratic system working, been so grossly abused and will be abused. Let the political Opposition never deceive itself as to the extent the P.A.P. Government is prepared to go. We were aware of this since our break with them. We knew the P.A.P. leaders too well and that is why they were never able to out-manoeuvre us even once either inside or outside this Assembly. The final course, and this is if the Internal Security Council approves, may be to detain the Member for Hong Lim and put him out of the race.

Mr Rajaratnam: Now you are pretty safe.

Mr Ong Eng Guan: But would that ensure the victory of the P.A.P.?

Sir, we have little faith in the P.A.P. Government and its profession to work the democratic system because we are convinced that the detention laws have been grossly abused by the P.A.P. Government, and we ask that the detainees be brought to trial or set free.

Sir, there is still some time left before the curtains are finally drawn. Before the P.A.P. leaders continue with the final phase of their heinous plans, why not those in the P.A.P. who make the decisions and who are now absent from this Assembly go away to some lonely and pleasant spot like Raffles Lighthouse where there are nice little rooms for some self-searching thoughts before it is too late? Do the P.A.P. leaders genuinely want the democratic system to survive? Or what they want is merely to maintain their personal power, no matter what the cost?

Mr Bani: Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the traditional splendour that marks the opening of the new Session of the Legislative Assembly was dimmed and marred this time. The air of hypocrisy was apparent. There was, of course, the usual din - the ceremonial highlights, the guard of honour, the 21-gun salute, and above all, Sir, the usual annual march of the P.A.P. legislators. As in the case last year, they all marched in their whites, led by the Prime Minister who incidentally was also in his white uniform. Nonetheless, Sir, there was a difference. There was a bitter taste. The hypocrisy of the whole show was evident. There is no democracy in Singapore. The so-called parliamentary democracy is merely in form and not in substance. Democracy in Singapore is a farce that is prostituted by the P.A.P. Government.

Sir, let there be no illusions about this. It is no use pretending that this traditional debate on Government policy is a reflection of any democratic system in Singapore. After a long spell of prorogation the P.A.P. finally decided to call for a Session for its own ulterior motives, among which is to show the people in Singapore and also those outside Singapore that there is still democracy in Singapore, and that there is still such a thing as the constitutional method of open argument.

Sir, recent events have proved that parliamentary democracy in Singapore is as good as dead. Parliamentary democracy, as such, has been thoroughly discredited and exposed by the P.A.P. which claims to safeguard the whole system. The blatant abuse of the system by the P.A.P., the denial of democratic liberties and rights, the complete control of the Press, the radio, and now T.V.; the shameless rigging of the referendum, the arbitrary arrests, the banning of publications, and even the P.A.P.'s conduct in this Chamber, all expose the hypocrisy of the P.A.P. who claim to be defenders of democracy. Parliamentary democracy has been made a mockery of by the P.A.P. Suppression and reprisals by a vindictive and dictatorial P.A.P. clique, whose deceit and dishonesty surpass that of all previous governments, including the colonial government, is the order of the day. While we have this debate, Sir, let us also bear in mind that all this is farce because of the background and because of what goes on outside this House. This Assembly sitting is just a pretence of democracy in an otherwise complete police State: we are perhaps just one step behind a complete dictatorship.

Sir, the emasculated P.A.P. report delivered by the Yang di-Pertuan Negara is tantamount to a plaintive appeal for approval of the P.A.P.'s past and present failures. This is hardly a policy speech. The speech contains an introduction which says nothing, and a conclusion which is equally eloquent in saying nothing. In between, Sir, we have an impoverished review of Government activities which are terribly inadequate even as a record of P.A.P.'s "achievements" in the past one and a half years.

Sir, it is suggested that the Barisan Sosialis has lost the open argument this time. What argument and when did we lose it?

Mr Rajaratnam: Radio Singapore.

Mr Bani: The Government's fear of our opposition has driven them to take arbitrary action to remove forcibly their political opponents in Left-wing organisations from the arena, and to deprive us of our inherent right to organise opposition constitutionally. Forms of constitutional struggle that are common in countries which practise parliamentary democracy are not allowed in Singapore. Even this Assembly was given an unprecedented long recess thereby ensuring complete erasure of any form of opposition. The Sembawang by-election has not been held. Sir, all these things are done because the P.A.P. know that it is they who have lost the open argument. The magnitude of the repressive measures adopted by the P.A.P. is a clear indication of the strength of the opposition the Government faces, it is the Government which has lost the open argument, and hence finds it necessary to resort to taking repressive measures. The Barisan, however, Sir, is very confident that notwithstanding any repressive acts of the Government, it shall eventually crush the P.A.P.

Sir, the P.A.P. is no longer a political force. It does not represent the Right, nor does it represent the Left. It is an opportunist force. Today, the P.A.P. is still surviving because, and only because, it has the use of the State machinery in its hands. It is a force only in the sense that it has the use of State organs. It has the radio, T.V., the police, the Work Brigade, and it has the Press completely subjugated. It survives because of these.

Sir, the introductory portion of the speech with its "quiet note of confidence" is fallacious. The P.A.P. Government has no confidence in itself; neither does it have the confidence of anybody other than colonial and reactionary forces. Sir, I understand that even these reactionary and colonial forces distrust the P.A.P., for they are aware that the P.A.P. will stab them in the back one of these days. Only 53 days before the formal opening of this Session of the Legislative Assembly, the Government arrested 133 of their political opponents and banned 10 publications which had been critical of Government policies. This arbitrary and undemocratic action was that of desperate men who were not confident of their future in a fair and open fight. These actions were the direct result of the lack of confidence on the part of the Government to continue the so-called open argument even though they have the Press under complete control. The P.A.P. resorted to arbitrary detention of political opponents because they did not have the confidence of winning the constitutional fight. Sir, it was because of this lack of confidence that the P.A.P. continues to take all forms of undemocratic actions and to impose severe limitations on the Opposition. The people are denied civil liberties, publications are banned, meetings are restricted, meetings of Left-wing trade unions are banned, the S.A.T.U. is not registered, the S.A.T.U. annual conference was banned, the referendum was legally rigged. All these were done, Sir, not because the P.A.P. was confident, but because these measures were their only means to hold on to power. Perhaps, Sir, after the mass arrests they are trying to feel confident and this desire to feel confident could have crept into the Yang di-Pertuan Negara's speech. Perhaps they feel that there is a short breathing spell for them. This, Sir, we can assure them is a mere illusion and no amount of wishful thinking on the part of the P.A.P. is going to change realities. The P.A.P. is doomed to die sooner or later.

The introduction also refers to storms and tempests. This sounds more like a leaf from a Mickey Spillane thriller. There is a definite attempt on their part to give the impression amongst the public that Singapore had been faced with some impending catastrophe which they had averted by their recent actions. There was no such situation. This bogey is presented to the public merely to justify their recent undemocratic actions, to hide the evil machinations and further repressive measures which they have in mind for a future date. The storm, if any, was only in a teacup.

Sir, the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara is solely aimed at over-emphasising routine activities of the P.A.P. Government in the past year. The P.A.P. have certain obligations to perform by virtue of the fact that they are the Government. The routine opening of schools, community centres, etc., are about the minimum obligations that can be expected from a government whose members are paid out of public pockets in the expectation that these obligations will be fulfilled so as to ensure the continuity of the normal livelihood of our people. The P.A.P. seek to play up these routine duties of the Government which they themselves described in the previous policy speech on the 31st of August, 1961, as mundane matters; obviously, Sir, in an attempt to win public sympathy. This is exactly what the previous Government under the leadership of the Member for Cairnhill did in its last stages just before the elections in 1959. Sir, it will not be out of place to remind the P.A.P. that this stunt did not deceive the people in 1959, and there is no doubt the P.A.P. also cannot deceive them this time.

Sir, the substance of the speech even as a review of Government activities is inadequate. Further, the speech does not even outline the basic features of Government's general policy. Under every head the activities of the past year are recounted and any future plans vaguely left behind. Future plans are completely vague and are in the form of very generalised statements. Column 5 of the Hansard, for example, Sir. We are told that there are funds to see us through all the major projects for the immediate years ahead. Sir, what are these major projects? When we seek to look for them, we find that we are given the oft-repeated Toa Payoh new town, the rebuilding of the old city, and the Jurong industrial base. Three projects which the P.A.P. have been talking about for a very, very long time. Column 6 reads:

`Most significant and gratifying of all has been the quiet and steady expansion of new factories. Every other week sees the opening of some new industrial enterprise. Every month sees a major project take shape in the Jurong Industrial Site. The future augurs well.'

This again, Sir, is a vague and generalised statement which does not specify Government plans. We are not even told how many workers have been employed as a result of these ventures. We are not told to what extent the unemployment problem has been relieved us a result of these so-called new industries. Sir, the omission is because of the fact that new employment as a result of this has been almost negligible. Column 9 is another example, Sir, of vague generalised statements from a bankrupt Government which has no definite policy. I quote, Sir, from the second paragraph:

`The whole task of rebuilding our city is one of monumental proportions. It will need finance of more than a thousand million dollars and will engage our energies over several decades. But at the end of it, we shall have built a new city of beauty and distinction, worthy of the industry and enterprise of our people, and in keeping with our position as the financial, industrial and commercial centre of South East Asia.'

Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, "the whole task of rebuilding our city is of monumental proportions." You will note that there is absolutely nothing said except what everybody knows. We know that the rebuilding of our city is of monumental proportions. We do not have to have the Yang di-Pertuan Negara in his speech, which is supposed to be the policy of the Government, which is supposed to contain definite Government proposals and programmes for the future, telling us this, instead of explaining how the policy of the Government is directed to tackle the problem and how do the Government propose to raise more than $1,000 million. Besides this much-talked-about Outram site, which other site have they in mind? The Government do not even say when they propose to begin this Outram scheme and when they expect to complete it.

Sir, there are only two paragraphs devoted to the subject of labour in the policy speech of the Government which professes to be pro-labour. One refers to the Industrial Arbitration Court - just one sentence. And the other, Mr Deputy Speaker, refers to the Labour Research Unit - two sentences.

Dr Goh Keng Swee: How many sentences do you want?

Mr Bani: Sir, the Labour Research Unit is a P.A.P. outfit, financed by the Government. All those who are attached to this unit are well known for their P.A.P. affiliations. Public funds are used to further P.A.P. interests. This unit helps P.A.P. trade unions, provides materials, etc. Even actual negotiations are done by some of them for the P.A.P. unions. When the arrests were carried out, some of these men who are attached to the Research Unit and who are paid by Government, on behalf of the P.A.P., approached the non-P.A.P. unions and offered to negotiate for them because their leaders were in detention.

Sir, it is significant to note that a Government which professes to be pro-labour has made no mention of its labour policies in its speech. Sir, it is also significant to note differences among the references to labour in 1960, 1961 and 1963. In 1960, Sir, there was the assurance that the Trade Union Bill, which passed through this Assembly and which was prevented in an unprecedented manner from having the assent of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara, will be re-introduced. In 1961, Sir, there was no-mention of this Bill at all in the policy speech. And again, this year, there is no reference to this Bill. It is now three years since the time this assurance was given in 1960. The unification of the trade union movement was an election pledge of the P.A.P. Up to now, the Government have not kept its pledge.

In 1960, the Government talked about a Labour Advisory Committee. We hear nothing about it anymore. In 1960, the Government promised the Employment Bill which would revise the Clerks, Labour and Shop Assistants Employment Ordinances and include protection for other categories of workers not covered by existing labour legislation. I quote the exact words from the Hansard, Volume 13, No. 1, column 14:

`An Employment Bill will be introduced which will repeal the three Ordinances dealing with the conditions of labourers, clerks and shop assistants.'

That was on 20th July, 1960.

In 1961, Sir, they also said that they would introduce this Employment Ordinance. This is Volume 15, column 23, dated 31st October, 1961:

`A new Employment Ordinance which will consolidate the existing Ordinances pertaining to labourers, clerks and shop assistants will he introduced in the coming year.'

That was 1961. 1963 finds no such reference at all in the policy speech. The Government again have not kept their election pledges, and in the speech before the House we find no reference at all to the revision of the existing outdated Employment Ordinances, and also to the need for proper legislation to protect large groups of workers who are not given safeguards under existing labour legislation.

Sir, the P.A.P. have broken every pledge they made to the workers on whose votes they were elected into office. It is hypocritical for the P.A.P. to profess to be pro-labour. Sir, we find all over the P.A.P. report a complete absence of specific Government policies and programmes for the future, except very vague generalised statements, with one or two projects repeated over and over.

We realise that the more urgent and immediate problems facing our people are those of housing, schools, hospitals, etc. Sir, to be able to meet the increasing needs of our people, the Government, in the first place, must have a sound economic policy. Since 1959, when the P.A.P. took office, our economic ills, far from improving, have only worsened. Notwithstanding the number of industries that have been given pioneer status, the present unemployment figure is no doubt higher than the 1959 figure. We are certain that the P.A.P. Government cannot solve the basic economic problems if they continue to work within the framework of a colonial economy. Singapore's economy is dependent on its entrepot status, and this is insufficient to meet, as has been proved, the increasing demands for employment opportunities. Apparently, everybody is agreed on the need for industrialisation to reduce unemployment and to increase prosperity. Yet it is strange that the P.A.P. have made no mention of their approach to the problem of industrialisation in the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara. Since 1959, the P.A.P. have not, in fact, outlined their basic policy towards industrialisation, apart from following up on the previous Government's policies of encouraging private investment. This is clear evidence that the P.A.P. have deviated from their election pledges. In 1959, the P.A.P. said that "we should not face our economic problems in an era of freedom with the mental attitude appropriate to colonial servitude." However, today they are still openly depending on the entrepot economy of Singapore, and their bleating about foreign capital for investment is still an attitude appropriate to colonial servitude. Everyone - the capitalists included - knows that the P.A.P.'s economic policy in practice has been a failure. Their industrialisation projects so far carried out have been of little significance. The tendency of the P.A.P. has been to blame militant trade unionism for the insufficient inflow of foreign capital to meet our requirements for industrialisation. We have time and again pointed out the fallacy of blaming labour for economic stagnation. If industrialisation has not taken place at the rate required, then the Government must admit their own failures instead of looking for a scapegoat. Sir, the availability of capital, markets, etc, are far more important conditions that are necessary as pre-requisites to facilitate industrialisation. The P.A.P., apart from blaming militant labour - particularly the Left-wing trade unions - for the P.A.P.'s failure to effect industrialisation on a scale necessary, have done nothing positive in terms of acquiring capital and expanding markets. In 1959, they said "they profoundly disagreed that the survival of Singapore depends on foreign capital and foreign capitalists", but today the emphasis is still on foreign capital and foreign capitalists. Today, the P.A.P. have done nothing to remedy the lack of sufficient capital for industrialisation, other than depending on a few foreign capitalists to open industries, whose impact is insignificant. Contrary to P.A.P. pledges in 1959, the Government's overseas investments have more than doubled. Vague suggestions have also been made that Malaysia will mean economic prosperity for Singapore. Today, the Singapore Government, or the Government of the Federation of Malaya, have not explained how this economic prosperity is to be brought about. It is, however, implied that Malaysia will mean industrialisation, expanded markets, etc. I notice the Minister for Finance has left the Chamber obviously, he has no answer to these things, it has been suggested that Malaysia will mean economic prosperity, expanded markets, greater employment opportunities, etc. One would have expected to find, in the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara, some clear indication as to the future of Singapore in the context of Malaysian economic situation, especially in view of the fact that the Governments concerned appear determined to push through this neo-colonial plot regardless of the strong opposition of the people. To our surprise, we find hardly any reference. There are only two insignificant references in the speech. One is at column 7. There is only one line. It is so insignificant that I cannot even spot it straightaway. The last paragraph reads:

`The establishment of Malaysia on 31st August this year will give an added impetus to our industrial growth.'

A meaningless statement which is general and vague. Another reference is at column 8: "With Malaysia, our opportunities will be greater." Sir, these are the only two references, and you will note that these are completely bankrupt statements which mean absolutely nothing. They are merely high-sounding. What we would like to know is, how will there be an increase in industrial growth and greater opportunities in the context of Malaysia, as proposed by the Government of the Federation of Malaya and the P.A.P.? We would like to know whether there will he an automatic expanded market as a result of Malaysia. We would like to know whether goods manufactured in Singapore, on entering the Federation of Malaya, will he subject to tax after Malaysia, as is the practice at the moment. We would like to know whether Federation-manufactured goods will continue to enter Singapore tax-free.

Sir, on the eve of the neo-colonial British-sponsored Malaysia which the P.A.P. whole-heartedly support, we still have no answers to these questions. The P.A.P. lie has been that Malaysia will mean greater employment opportunities. This is a falsehood propounded by P.A.P. propagandists. Because of the inequality and discrimination in the citizenship status within Malaysia, which adversely affect Singapore citizens, they will not be able to have employment in the Federation of Malaya or the Borneo territories. How then will there be increased employment opportunities?

Sir, another lie is that Malaysia will mean a market of 10 million people for Singapore-manufactured goods. So far, there has been no clear statement on this. As far as we can understand, even after Malaysia, the present practice will continue, that is, Singapore-manufactured goods entering the Federation of Malaya will be subject to tax, whilst Federation-manufactured goods will continue to enter Singapore tax-free.

Sir, in the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara on 31st October, 1961, we were told in column 5:

`Without economic co-operation and a common market between Singapore and the Federation, there can be little hope of a rapid economic expansion and industrialisation that will bring more factories and more jobs for the thousands of our young people leaving our schools and seeking employment.'

In 1961, the P.A.P. admitted that without a common market between Singapore and the Federation of Malaya, there was little hope. Up to date, Sir, as far as we know, there is no concomitant arrangement for the setting up of a common market of Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories, in spite of the fact that they are on the verge of bulldozing through Malaysia. Sir, in the absence of this, it is reasonable to expect that conditions will remain the same, in the 31st October, 1961 speech, we were also told in column 12:

`With merger now in prospect, the assumptions on which the original economic policies of the Government were based must be reviewed.'

It is now 1� years since this speech was made. In the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara this year, we still find not even an indication of the basis on which Government's economic policies are to be reviewed and devised.

Finally, Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, even assuming that some arrangements will be worked out, it is necessary for us to bear in mind the state of the economy of the Federation of Malaya as it is now. The economy of Malaya, as it is presently constituted, can hardly be relied on. The Malayan economy is almost totally dependent on rubber and tin, whose export markets fluctuate. This has caused serious disturbances in the past and no doubt will continue to cause much more serious disruption in the future. The Government of the Federation of Malaya recognise the seriousness of their over-dependence on these two commodities and they are now engaged in attempts to speed up industrialisation, However, in the field of industrialisation, a realistic appraisal shows that the rate of progress in the Federation of Malaya is insufficient even to meet the growing demands of the population of the Federation of Malaya, let alone the whole population of the Malaysia region.

The P.A.P., which was elected on a socialist platform as a Left-wing Party, makes no mention of its economic policies outside the status quo of colonial and free enterprise economic system. This is conclusive proof that the P.A.P. have changed colours and are now pursuing policies which are pro-colonial and which are contrary to their election pledges.

Mr Deputy Speaker: I suspend the sitting until half-past nine.

Sitting accordingly suspended at 8.29 p.m. until 9.30 p.m. Sitting resumed at 9.30 p.m.

[Mr SPEAKER in the Chair]

Order read for resumption of debate.

Mr Speaker: The original Question was,

`That the following Address in reply to the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara he agreed to:-

"We, the Legislative Assembly of the State of Singapore, express our thanks to the Yang di-Pertuan Negara for the speech which he delivered on behalf of the Government am the opening of the present Session of this Assembly.".'

Since which an amendment has been moved:

`at end to add -

`but this Assembly regrets that the Govern- ment has failed to implement its election pledges and urges the Government to truthfully and honestly ascertain the views of the people on their constitutional future".'.

The Question is, "That the words proposed to be added, be there added."

Dr Thio Chan Bee (Tanglin): Mr Speaker, Sir, as we listen to the speeches from both the P.A.P. and the Barisan speakers, we are reminded of the kind of uneasy political climate Singapore has had to go through for the last four years. There is so much confrontation about the speeches, Sir, that many people in Singapore have become bewildered. In fact, some have even thought that all this confrontation is a makebelieve, and that some time in the future the P.A.P. and the Barisan will join up again as they did in 1959.

However, if we compare conditions generally in 1959 with those of today, perhaps we can arrive at somewhere near the truth. We can better appreciate the real strength and weaknesses of the P.A.P. administration during the last four years.

Sir, four years ago, when His Excellency the Yang di-Pertuan Negara made his first speech here, he said that the prime task of the new P.A.P. Government would be to build up a climate of confidence under which trade expansion and industrial growth could take place.

In the following year, on 29th September, 1960, the Minister for Finance, in his Budget speech, referred to the rapid population growth in Singapore and the prospect of mounting unemployment, and said that the Government viewed this with grave anxiety and would strain itself to the utmost to avoid this situation of increasing unemployment.

Sir, we agree wholeheartedly with the P.A.P. in these two major objectives. Here at least are two milestones by which we can measure Singapore's progress during the P.A.P. administration.

However, when I listened to and read again the speech of His Excellency the Yang di-Pertuan Negara this year, I found that there was a strange silence on these two major aims, except a bare reference that new factories would give more jobs to the people. When we examine the situation more closely, we find the real damaging truth: in spite of their good intentions, the achievements and the hard work of the P.A.P. leaders, they have failed to achieve success in these two major aims which they stated to be theirs in 1959. They have not only failed to build up the climate of confidence but they have also aggravated the problem of mounting unemployment. In fact, it would be true to say that the situation has deteriorated since 1959 as regards these two major aims and that if it were not for the timely prospect of Malaysia, the deterioration would have been even worse.

Sir, I notice that the Barisan speakers have also been crowing over the failure of the P.A.P. Government to solve the problem of unemployment, but they must realise that they have to take a great portion of that blame. Basically, both the P.A.P. and the Barisan have made the same fundamental mistake in their policy, and that is, they think they can build a better society in Singapore by fomenting class hatred and perpetuating the class struggle.

Sir, they also take delight in inflicting on the people of Singapore their confrontation tactics - confrontation in the schools, confrontation in factories, confrontation in the offices, confrontation in the Singapore Harbour Board and confrontation in the Assembly. In an atmosphere of confrontation almost everywhere, with students being roused up against teachers, employees against employers, one group of trade unions against another group, how can we expect a better society to emerge?

Some of us have forgotten the lesson we learnt when we were young in school: whatever we sow, that shall we reap. How can we sow hatred and expect to reap something good? We must then expect to reap violence.

I must say that there are able men in both the Barisan and the P.A.P., and if they can only purge themselves of this hatred of class against class and race against race and person against person, they will be in a better position to give Singapore that better society that we all aim for, and a more peaceful and prosperous Singapore. We can only hope that in Malaysia we shall take not the road of hatred but of goodwill and continuing co-operation to build something better.

Sir, the P.A.P. has produced a very good show-piece in the Jurong industrial scheme, but unless there is a climate of confidence with justice and fair play, not only for the workers, but also for the investors, the scheme may turn out to be just one big white elephant. That is the opinion of many who have a stake in Singapore's future. For why should foreign and local investors be asked to put in investments in the Jurong scheme if the Party in power claims as a matter of policy that in any dispute it would always be on the side of the have-nots? The people who are the haves will be fools if they put in money in order to lose their investments. But why should it be so? Why should it not be justice for all? Why should we not let common sense prevail over any personal hatred or class hatred, or rancour that may be in our hearts? This deliberate encouragement of one class against another class may win for one side some votes, but in the long run it brings mutual destruction to both sides; not only to the haves but also to the have-nots.

I would like to ask both the Barisan and the P.A.P. who the real have-nots are in Singapore. To me, Sir, the real have-nots in Singapore are the unemployed. Those in employment already have something. They have something to live on, to build on. The unemployed are the real have-nots, and the people who have done the greatest disservice and the greatest harm to the have-nots in Singapore, I am sorry to say, have been both the Barisan and the P.A.P. with their confrontation tactics. The result has been that we have less and less jobs for more and more have-nots.

Sir, this situation has been borne out by the report published in 1960 of the Labour Department under the P.A.P. administration. In September 1957, there were 123,000 workmen in employment. Three years later in 1960 there were 7,400 less workmen in employment. In September 1961, according to the Digest of Statistics, the total number of men employed in all industries was still less than 110,000. So, since 1957, when the P.A.P. took control of the City Council, the climate of confidence in Singapore has deteriorated, and the number of jobs available for the have-nots has been less and less, so that today there are 13,000 less jobs for the have-nots than in 1957. The number of unemployed, the real have-nots in Singapore, has probably increased from 60,000 in 1959, at, say, an average of 20,000 a year, to about 140,000.

Sir, this is the tragedy that the Barisan and the P.A.P., who claim to be the loudest champions of the have-nots, have been the ones who have caused the greatest suffering to the real have-nots in Singapore - the unemployed.

Sir, if only both the Barisan and the P.A.P., would try a new approach to the problem of helping the have-nots in Singapore, rather than the confrontation approach they have been trying out, very likely there would be this climate of confidence coming to Singapore and we would produce more and more jobs for the real have-nots in Singapore.

We do not even have to wait for new factories to produce new jobs. The present enterprises and the present factories are capable of expansion to provide the new jobs, provided there is the assurance that there will be justice for both sides, both the workers and the employers, in the interests of the citizens of Singapore and of the true have-nots, the jobless of Singapore.

Sir, I am glad that the P.A.P. looks forward to Malaysia as the hope for a better future for Singapore citizens, but if we carry into Malaysia the old approach of fomenting class hatred and the class struggle, then we shall he carrying into the new Malaysia the disease from the old, and instead of producing more jobs and a better climate, we will simply produce more suffering for the have-nots. In fact in Sabah, North Borneo, the leaders are scared of the people from Singapore. They say, "You fellows are such trouble makers that we do not want you here."

Sir, they are short of labour and we have plenty of unemployed in Singapore, and yet they do not want the unemployed of Singapore because of the poison that has been put into their hearts, minds and souls.

Some people may say that I am being idealistic, but let us look back to the period in 1946 to 1948 in Malaya. There was then a conflict of two principles. There were some who said that the Chinese in Malaya must be organised to oppose the Malays, and there were others who said that the Malays in Malaya must be organised to oppose the Chinese. That was confrontation, Sir. There were others who said, however, that the Chinese in Malaya must be organised to co-operate with the Malays to build something better for Malaya, a new nation for Malaya, and we are glad to say that there were among the leaders of the Malays those who said that the Malays must be organised to co-operate with the Chinese and the other non-Malays to build something better. I am glad that those leaders who believed not in confrontation but co-operation, with no thought of stabbing their partners in the hack, won the day. Therefore, Malaya today is able to rejoice in having a country where there is racial harmony, where there is a genuine spirit of co-operation.

Malaysia is only an extension of that spirit of co-operation. To me, that is only something symbolic of what the United Nations should be in the world. It is something of which Indonesia need not be afraid. If in Malaysia we organise to co-operate with one another, and we are prepared to co-operate with Indonesia, with the Philippines, with Thailand, and with the other nations of the world, we are not a danger to the others. We will only he too happy to produce the right climate. We shall eventually see greater world peace and greater world unity. Sir, this is something altogether new for my colleagues in the P.A.P. and in the Barisan, but I do appeal to them, for the sake of Malaysia, to try this new approach.

Sir, let me now come to more mundane subject and congratulate the Minister for Finance on having become a successful State capitalist. He has been able to report a great increase in the financial reserves of the State - over $200 million. At this point, however, we must become conscious of a duty that has not been completely fulfilled - that a small portion of that money was accumulated under the misapprehension that the country was facing a serious deficit in 1959. It has since turned out that there was a surplus in 1959, and a bigger surplus in 1960, and there has been a surplus every year since then, as was the case even before 1959. So, naturally, the question arises, if the P.A.P. Government are good employers and believe in the integrity of honest employers, should they not now fully restore the pay cuts deducted in 1959? And they have tremendous resources now. This has now become conscience money. That amount wrongfully deducted belongs to the rightful owners - the civil servants now under the care of the P.A.P. and the refund can be done in a way without damaging the economy of the country.

Sir, in the field of education I am glad that the Government has been able to build enough schools to admit all the Primary I pupils. I am glad also that the compulsory six-day week, a very controversial issue, has been satisfactorily settled and many parents and children have been made happy thereby without the examination results being adversely affected. We have heard also that there has been a rapid increase in enrolment in the schools, but the Minister for Education has admitted that there has been some sacrifice in regard to quality. In many schools parents are frustrated because there have been too many failures. I trust the Government in the coming months will carefully look into this aspect of education to improve on the quality and not concentrate on quantity alone.

Sir, I have before me here a copy of a Singapore Government Press statement issued on 21st March, 1963. It begins with the following words:

"As the result of the Prime Minister's visits to the rural constituencies of Singapore."

I repeat, Sir:

"As the result of the Prime Minister's visits to the rural constituencies of Singapore, an extensive rural electrification programme has been prepared so that the wishes of the kampong dwellers for electricity in their houses will come true."

Sir, if this report is accurate and the inference is accurate, the implication then is that if the rural dwellers want to have any improvement in their kampongs, they must wait until the Prime Minister has visited them, and if the Prime Minister does not visit them, they will miss their share of the $30 million Development Fund that is going to be spent in the rural areas. Further - and this is a more serious implication - if the constituents in any particular division are not willing to welcome the Prime Minister or are against the Party in power, then they will be deprived of what would have been their share of this Development Fund. It is also unfortunate, Sir, that the Prime Minister is making visits in 1963 so near election time. People in Singapore are talking about it and saying that the Prime Minister is going round campaigning for the next elections, using his position and using the Development Fund. I hope the Prime Minister will give us an assurance that even in the constituencies that he may not be able to visit, if there is a real need and the need is brought to his notice or the notice of other Ministers, it will be given the same consideration as requests coming from constituencies which the Prime Minister has visited.

Mr Tan Kia Gan: Mr Speaker, Sir, the amendment proposed by the Member for Queenstown and the Member for Upper Serangoon is in two parts. The first part alleges that the Government has failed to implement its election pledges, and the second part that Government should ascertain the views -of the people in regard to their constitutional future. I should like to deal with the second part first. There are people who try to forget facts that prove uncomfortable and unpleasant to them. However, we will not allow them to forget that the people of Singapore have already decided on their constitutional future, i.e. merger with the Federation of Malaya on the basis of White Paper Command No. 33 of 1961. Over 70 per cent of the people of Singapore voted for merger with the Federation on the basis of the White Paper. This is the verdict of the people. It is final and conclusive. The fact is that the two Members, in whose names the amendment stands, have some difficulty in finding matters on which to join issue with us, and perforce they must rake up old ones that have already been settled.

As regards the charge that the Government has failed to implement its election pledges, what does it really mean? Everyone knows full well that the Government has carried out its election pledges wherever it is humanly possible. In many instances these pledges have been overfulfilled and in others new services, amenities and facilities have been made available for the people of Singapore. Let us take the field of housing. The Member for Queenstown, unless he chooses to go about with his eyes closed, can see in his very own constituency the housing units that we are building in increasing numbers day-by day. In just over three years, the Housing and Development Board has built 21,232 units against 23,019 units built by the Singapore Improvement Trust in the 32 years of its existence. In 1962 alone, a total of 12,230 units were completed as against the target figure of 9,735 units laid down in the State Development Plan.

In other words, the achievement of public housing has exceeded the target figure by almost 25 per cent. We have pledged to build more low-cost housing for the poorer classes and, in this respect, with a dynamic and vigorous Housing and Development Board, the target achieved has exceeded all expectations. Sir, the present Government inherited from the previous Singapore Improvement Trust a waiting list of 13,000 families on the housing register. If we took the rate of construction of the S.I.T. in post-war years of 1,700 units per year, some of these families would have to wait for five to eight years to get housing accommodation. Now, due to the success of the Government's housing development programme, almost all the 13,000 families on the waiting list in 1959 have been housed, in addition to a further 8,000 families who have newly registered. Altogether about 21,000 families of the lower income group have obtained low-cost housing from the development programme of the present Government. Yet the Member for Queenstown was doing his best to belittle the achievement of the Government in this respect.

Priority in allocation of public housing is based on the points system. The Government is now able to relax the qualification for registration and gradually bring the benefit of public housing to a wider range of families in Singapore. During the S.I.T. period, five persons was the minimum number required for public housing, but the Housing and Development Board is now able to reduce this number to four persons for Queenstown and to three persons for the one-room $20 flats. Another relaxation has been made on the qualifications to allow grown-up brothers and sisters to be included in the family unit.

Sir, we have now reached the stage where any family, who has the necessary qualifications and is not particular about the choice of locality and the height of the floors, can obtain accommodation in less than a month after registration. In fact, one of the odd results of the rapid rate of building, which has smashed the backbone of the housing problem, is that people are now becoming choosey as to the locality and height of floors on which they wish to have accommodation. There have been many cases where a family has been offered and rejected accommodation several times not because they cannot afford the rent but because of the locality or the height of the floor. Compare this with the old days of the S.I.T. when the building rate was 1,700 units per year and the poor people were so desperately in need of accommodation that they grasped with eagerness any accommodation offered to them in any locality on any floor! Truly we have moved forward compared with those days. Had it not been for the obstruction and intimidation of the Barisan fellow-travellers in the Rural Residents Association and the Country People's Association, there would have been even more houses built for the poorer people. Thus, by their very actions, these so-called champions of the people are slowing down the progress of providing more law-cost homes for the lower income people.

While we have been pressing ahead with the housing development, we have not forgotten the social amenities that are necessary for the people in these housing estates. As an illustration, I would like to take Queenstown which is our largest estate. Our plans are to build a total of 17,500 units to house 150,000 people. 11,000 units have been completed, and 6,000 more are under construction. There are six shopping centres: three have been built and the other three will be completed this year. Two cinemas are under construction. A large Polyclinic was completed and opened early this year. In addition to the community centre already built, we will be building three more. Of the five markets planned, three have been completed. A police station is being constructed and there are plans to build a post office. Many children's play grounds are scattered over the estate and there is a provision for a 13-acre public park. Of course, there are schools for the children's education. In addition to five primary schools and three secondary schools that are now functioning, we are going to build three more primary and four secondary schools.

We have solved the housing problem to such an extent that we are now able to devote our attention to the much bigger problem of the city area re-development. We know that, in the city area alone, there are some half a million people living in very congested, unhealthy and terribly rickety old houses. For various reasons, many of them prefer to stay in the city area rather than apply for public housing on the outskirts of the town. A start has been made in the Cantonment Road area. Work will start later in the Sumbawa Road area. We realise this task is one of tremendous magnitude but the prospects of a revitalised city worthy of our State is an exciting one. We are pressing ahead with the project.

I should like now to mention briefly the various other construction projects which the Government has carried out and will continue to carry out for the benefit of the people. Let me take flood alleviation works. Singapore is generally a low lying country. When heavy rains coincide with high tides, the low lying areas are subject to flooding. The rapid increase in building activities and levelling of hills increase the rate of run-off and make flood control quite a difficult problem. In some cases, these alleviation works prevent damage to properties and farms and, in others, reduce inconvenience to the public.

Work on the $3 million Ulu Pandan Flood Alleviation Scheme is proceeding under full steam. This scheme envisages the reversal of flow, diverting water from the area near Queen's Circus towards the west, instead of towards the east as at present. The triple culvert near Tanglin Halt industrial estate was completed in 1962. When the whole scheme is completed, drainage in the Redhill, Alexandra Road and Queenstown area will be very much improved and the danger of floods occurring there will be greatly reduced. The last drain in the Radin Mas area is now almost completed. This will benefit the residents in the low-lying areas in Alexandra Road.

During 1962, the concrete drain between Bartley and MacPherson Roads was completed. This year, a further stretch of drain towards Paya Lebar Road will be constructed. Drainage in the low-lying kampong between Bartley Road and Paya Lebar Road will be greatly improved. The drainage works from Mandai Road to Woodlands Road and the scheme at the 5th milestone at Pasir Panjang Road is now almost completed. Work will begin soon on the Chong Pang Village drain at Sembawang.

This year, the Government will concentrate on the concrete lining of the important canals, such as the Kallang, Geylang, Rochore and Alexandra Canals. Concrete lining will not only improve the water flow but also facilitate cleansing and maintenance of these canals.

The total expenditure on flood alleviation under the Four-Year Plan will amount to $10 million.

Sir, in carrying out construction of more houses, schools, clinics, roads, shopping centres and flood alleviation schemes, more and more workers are required. Already thousands and thousands in the rank of the unemployed are finding gainful employment. Yet the Member for Queenstown and other Opposition Members allege that the Government has not tried to tackle the question of unemployment. I am quite sure they are not in their right senses.

In the field of animal husbandry, agriculture and fisheries, we have provided services and we will provide even more services as we go on. The fact that we have a healthy and vigorous export trade in chickens and eggs, and to a lesser degree in pigs because of restrictions, bear testimony to the efforts of the Government in providing more and better services for our people in the rural areas. Protection against ranikhet disease today is no longer confined to the adult birds but also extended to day-old chicks. Thus, we render comprehensive protection against poultry diseases. At present, more than 15,000 day-old chicks amid 30,000 adult poultry are vaccinated by Government every day. In 1962 alone, a total of 11� million chickens were vaccinated against ranikhet disease as compared with 6.2 million chickens vaccinated in 1958 and 6.7 million in 1959. We have extended the stud boar service to provide good boars and to improve the strains of pigs produced by our farmers.

Now we even have artificial insemination for pigs. Thus many more farmers can receive the benefits of having good pig strains. Apart from Japan, Russia, Norway and one or two other European countries which have already been using artificial insemination techniques in the breedings of pigs, the introduction of artificial insemination service for pigs on a commercial scale here makes Singapore the first tropical country in Asia to adopt this modern scientific technique in pig breeding on an extensive scale, apart from Japan which is a temperate country. With this service the farmers not only are able to obtain good stock, to produce good piglings, but also save a great deal of time and money by simply telephoning the Artificial Insemination Unit which will immediately send out teams to carry out the services on their farms.

We have gone beyond our election pledges by building three veterinary extension centres in the rural areas. Two more are under construction. Each of these centres has a veterinary surgeon, a team of assistants permanently stationed in the areas to serve the farmers in that particular locality. We have brought to the farmers a service for the sale of veterinary drugs at cost on their very doorsteps. Farmers realising the benefit of the services are now increasing their purchase of drugs for use under the guidance of our veterinary officers. For example, in 1961 sales of such drugs totalled $64 000, and by 1962 sales have increased to $80,000. We are continuing research in the production of improved chicks and piglings for distribution to farmers. Last year 47,000 day-old chicks of improved straw were sold at the specially reduced price of 20 cents each. At the same time, 425 piglings were also distributed at $1 per katty. These improved breeds of piglings and chicks are produced from carefully selected stock after considerable research work and are for the purpose of upgrading and improving the quality of livestock in Singapore.

The House is aware of the Government's effort to maintain outlets for the produce of our farmers in the Federation. The successful result of our representations to the Federation Government in the matter of restrictions on our chickens and eggs is only an example of our efforts in this direction. For about two months, the Prime Minister, the Minister for Finance and I paid visits to the Federal capital to seek a satisfactory solution to the problem of restrictions. Our farmers are aware that during the later stage of negotiations, the Singapore Government had to resort to restricting the import of vegetables and fish from the Federation. These endeavours have proved successful. Since the 15th February this year, our chickens and eggs can move freely into the Federation without payment of any licence fee. The free movement of piglings and sows will continue. I have been assured by the Federation Minister for Agriculture and Co-operatives that, after merger, there will he completely free movement for all Singapore-produced pigs, be they pigs for breeding or for slaughter. I am glad to say that chicken and egg prices which were depressed when the Federation restriction came into force have now recovered.

Sir, you will remember that I reported to this Assembly sometime ago that the Government initiated a scheme in the Southern Islands to distribute goats free of charge in order to assist the Malay fishermen there to diversify their sources of income and to improve their livelihood. The goats which have been distributed have been successfully reared by the Malay fishermen and a number of kids born to these goats have been returned to the Government for further distribution to other Malay fishermen. The male goats - the Member for Geylang Serai mentioned earlier - helped to make this possible.

In order to increase the efficiency of animal disease control, the Government will establish a veterinary diagnostic laboratory to carry out investigation of various livestock diseases in the State, so that control measures can be instituted against such diseases. These measures will reduce farmers' losses from diseases and thereby assist them directly to obtain better returns for their labour. We will introduce a meat inspection service and provide new slaughter facilities of a high standard so that meat and meat products produced in the State can be exported to other countries. Towards this end, plans for the building of a new modern abattoir are being finalised. Once the new abattoir is established, it will not only encourage the food processing industries in the State but will also benefit our farmers by providing them with a ready market for their products.

In the field of agriculture, we are continuing our tractor service to provide our farmers with cheap service at $20 per acre. We are helping our farmers to combat the many agricultural pests encountered in vegetable and food production by carrying out the plant protection service whereby farmers can ask the Government to spray their vegetables and fruits with insecticides at low cost. We will also be making available to the farmers a number of insecticides and fungicides at low prices. Following a series of successful experiments on fertilizers, the Government is selling a cheap and yet effective fertilizer mixture to the farmers. This fertilizer mixture has been very well received. The farmers are purchasing increasing quantities. At present, we are also studying the possibility of supplying farmers with improved vegetable seeds as well as fruit planting materials such as rambutan bud grafts and flower cuttings in order to assist them to obtain a higher income.

Recently, we successfully reclaimed some agricultural land, a fish pond and a prawn pond at Sungei Poyang. The reclaimed land is now under process of desalinisation and, when completed in the next few months, will be used for resettlement purposes. The Government is initiating a pilot scheme in this area to help organise farmers and fishermen to form a primary produce co-operative society for the purpose of running the ponds and fish ponds and to market the produce of the farms as well.

The inshore fishing areas of Singapore are already fished to the limit, and it is now necessary for our fishermen to look towards the offshore areas for extension of activities. The Government has had some success in encouraging some private companies to extend offshore deep-sea operations and to undertake the training of local personnel. We are also considering the establishment of an offshore fishery school.

We have established a primary production extension service for the purpose of solving specific problems and difficulties encountered by the farmers and fishermen. Field officers bring back from the rural areas the problems faced by farmers and fishermen. Technical officers will then devise solutions to overcome the specific difficulties. The extension service will also be engaged in the dissemination of scientific and technical information to the farmers. Towards this end, films are being produced on the subjects of agriculture, animal husbandry and fisheries for showing to farmers in the villages in the evening, and thus bring to them the latest developments and improvements in farming and fishing techniques.

With the establishment of a large number of community centres in the rural areas, primary production services are being provided through these centres, bringing these services to the very doorsteps of the farmers. If I may say so, the extremely wide range and comprehensive nature of services that we bring to our farmers and fishermen in the rural areas is without parallel in South-East Asia.

As I said, Sir, everyone in Singapore knows that the Government has carried out its election pledges wherever it is humanly possible. In many instances, these pledges have been over-fulfilled and, in others, new services, amenities and facilities have been made available for the people in the city as well as the rural area.

Mr Speaker: No Member wishes to speak?

Mr Lee Khoon Choy: Mr Speaker, Sir, I was expecting the Opposition to speak after we have spoken.

Mr Speaker, Sir, we have heard a great deal from the Member for Queenstown, the Member for Thomson and also the Member for Hong Lim. I find there was nothing constructive at all in their speeches and some of them were actually very destructive.

The Member for Hong Lim must be still day-dreaming of his Ong Eng Guan empire during the City Council days when he mentioned that not one single constituency is a safe seat for the P.A.P. Only a very arrogant man will dare make such a daring statement, and I believe that this type of statement was made in desperation. If the Member for Hong Lim is not careful, he may even lose his own seat in 1964.

I will come to the Member for Queenstown who seemed to be indulging in fanciful imagination. First of all, not only were his allegations false but some of them were even factually groundless. He mentioned the National Theatre. Sir. He alleged that the Government was paying overtime to rush the theatre into completion. He forgets the simple procedure that once a contract is let out, it is up to the contractor to complete the job when he has accepted the date. He alleged that a lot of pressure was put on the builders to complete the theatre. I would remind him to go back and read some of the newspapers about the contract that had been given for the building of the National Theatre, which was built to commemorate the attainment of self-government of Singapore. The theatre was made possible because of the generous contributions of the people of Singapore and with the co-operation of the Government. Tenders were called and we gave a definite date for the completion of the theatre. As Chairman of the theatre, Sir, it is my duty to see that the theatre be completed as soon as possible so that the people who have contributed the money would not be disappointed. Singapore is a place of efficiency. We want things done quickly, and I am surprised that the Member for Queenstown would like to see a delay in the completion of the National Theatre. Tenders were let out, as I have said, and the target was the end of May. Not a single cent of overtime was paid to the workers or the contractors who have so kindly lived up to the trust to try to finish the theatre by the end of May, or at the latest in June. After that, we hope to have the South-East Asia cultural festival. Already many countries in South-East Asia, and even from India and Pakistan, have agreed to participate in this grand festival, which is the first of its kind in South-East Asia.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Queenstown also mentioned T.V. He alleged that the purpose of putting up T.V. was to do P.A.P. propaganda. It is surprising that such a wonderful propaganda machine is not being used by the Member for Queenstown. He has been repeatedly invited not only over the radio, but on T.V. We invite him to T.V. and yet he fights shy of coming. If it is a useful propaganda machine, he should make good use of it.

Coming to education, Sir, he has alleged that the recent arrests have something to do with the Torch campaign which was organised by their supporters. The Torch campaign, as it was claimed, was to encourage and persuade the people of Singapore to study their mother tongue. If it is the purpose of the campaign to promote the study of the mother tongue. We are all for it. But, Sir, as you know, we have had experience of such campaigns which, in fact, have been engineered by the Communist-inspired Barisan Sosialis for the purpose of political agitation. It is quite clear that the so-called Torch campaign was a flop, because you can see that less than three dozen people attended the opening of the campaign.

The Member for Queenstown also mentioned discrimination by the Government in our education policy. He seemed to be perturbed at the decrease of school children in Chinese schools. I agree with him, Sir, that it is a fact that there has been a decrease in the number of Singapore children going to Chinese schools. In fact, responsible Chinese educationists in Singapore, and particularly the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, have been very much concerned and perturbed at this decrease. The Chamber has been receiving memoranda from various educational bodies to find out the actual reason for this decrease of pupils in Chinese schools. I would like the Member for Queenstown to read some of the memoranda submitted by the Singapore Chinese Teachers Union, which represent the majority of the Chinese teachers, as well as the Singapore Students/Parents Association, representing the majority of the parents of Chinese school children. In the memoranda submitted to the Chinese Chamber of Commerce separately, they pointed out that one of then main reasons for the decrease of school children in Chinese schools was political interference and agitation in Chinese schools, particularly the middle schools. I would go further and say that this agitation was engineered by the Barisan Sosialis. All law-abiding Chinese students would like an atmosphere of calm without political interference from political Parties so that they can concentrate on their studies and not indulge in examination boycotts and other activities which leave them nowhere particularly concerning their own future. If political Parties can leave the students alone to concentrate on their studies, we will have a better future for the future generation of this country.

The Member for Queenstown also referred to Nanyang University. He said, "What have you done to solve the issue?" The Member for Serangoon Gardens as well as the Member for Upper Serangoon were members of the Nanyang University Liaison Committee of which I was also a member, and they are fully aware of the actual reason why the talks came to a deadlock. It is no use asking the reason when they know what was the reason. We have tried our best, Sir, with sincerity and a spirit of compromise to settle the issue, but an issue can only be settled if there is good-will and sincerity on both sides. The Minister for Education has stressed in his recent speech at the Nantah Convocation that the Government's offer of financial aid to Nantah, that is, the same equal treatment for Nantah as we are giving to the University of Singapore, still stands. The door is still open, subject to a reorganisation of the University according to the Nanyang University Review Committee. We want the University to be run by people who know about universities.

Sir, the Member for Queenstown also mentioned about the unity of the people. He lashed out that we have split the unity of the people because of Malaysia. Mr Speaker, Sir, he is very fond of saying "unity", "democracy", but his argument is that the majority of the people should follow the minority, then only will you have unity. We held a referendum where more than 75 per cent voted for the White Paper and less than 25 per cent cast blank votes. And now he is accusing us of splitting the unity of the people of Singapore, just because the 75 per cent did not toe the line of the 25 per cent. That is his argument and his logic, which is only understandable to the Barisan Sosialis stooges.

Sir, I now come to the things that we have done in the field of education. I would like to stress that I find that the speakers, particularly the Member for Hong Lim and those Members in the Barisan, have never mentioned this time that the P.A.P. have done nothing. I remember that on previous occasions they were always fond of saying, "What have you done? The P.A.P. has done nothing for the people of Singapore." It is significant, Sir, that in this Session such accusations have ceased. At least they now recognise that we have done some things, if not many things, for the people of Singapore. It is for the people of Singapore, and particularly the Member for Queenstown, to see for themselves the houses that have sprung up. We are a Government that believes in action, and not in empty slogans.

Talking of democracy, if there is no democracy, the Members opposite will not be able to speak so freely in this House. They have been allowed to hold protest meetings, and even intimidation in some cases. Our Opposition Members are fond of talking of democracy. Democracy has not succeeded well in South-East Asia because Opposition leaders have abused it. They do not realise that it is the duty of a good Opposition to give constructive criticisms and not just destructive criticisms. As we know, in a real democracy the Opposition should be able to substantiate what they have accused, if they say that the Government has done this or done that. They must be in a position to hold power to replace the Government and to carry out what they have said, and not just make empty and destructive accusations.

Sir, during the past three years substantial progress has been made in the field of education. The education pyramid is fast taking shape. Firstly, the defects in the primary base have been put right. In the past, more than 4,000 pupils who were registered in 1958 for Primary I admissions in 1959 could not be admitted to schools. The picture is, however, very different today. There is a place for every child who registers for admission in primary schools. Only a few hundred (i.e., less than 1� per cent) out of an annual intake of nearly 60,000 who insist that they must be admitted to a particular school will have to wait for another year before they can gain admission.

With the recent decision to provide six years of free primary education for children between the ages of 6 and 14, we see the welcome move of many poor parents, especially those living in rural areas, sending their over-age children to school; whereas in the past they probably withheld their children from attending school because they would have to pay a monthly fee of $2.50.

Next, the stoppage of automatic promotion in 1959 has resulted in a general improvement in the work of schools over the past three years. The improved results of successful primary school leaving examinations testify to this welcome trend.

Secondly, once the primary base of education is firmly established, we have to expand greatly the secondary sector of our education pyramid. One step taken in the right direction was the institution of post-primary classes in 1960, which are to become secondary vocational classes next year, when we expect workshop blocks to be completed and equipment installed. Another decision also taken in 1960 was to have all secondary schools running on a two-session basis. As a result, we have the reasonably happy situation today in that our secondary school enrolment is nearly 90 per cent higher than that obtained in 1959, all within the short space of three years.

The rapid expansion in secondary school enrolment would not have been possible without taking simultaneous action in the large-scale employment of University graduates from the University of Singapore and Nanyang University, together with the successful implementation of a crash project scheme of one year special in-service professional training for nearly 300 graduates in two-language media by our Teachers' Training College during the two years 1960-62. Although professional training of University graduates has been turned over to the School of Education in the University of Singapore at its request, where a two-year part-time course is being conducted in two-language media since the last academic year, the valuable experience gained by the professional training of University graduates in the T.T.C. from 1960-62 can always be reinstituted if need be.

The fact that more than 5,000 adults, many of whom are our teachers, have attained fairly good standards in public examinations in the National Language conducted by the Ministry of Education during the last three years is indeed a creditable achievement, which speaks well of the sincerity and earnestness of our people to learn and propagate the use of our National Language. Whilst we shall in every possible way encourage the study and use of our National Language, we should at the same time intensify the teaching and study of a second language in our schools. This is the quickest way to break down language barriers which are fast tumbling down in our many new integrated schools. For this year's Primary School Leaving Examination, the second language paper will count as one unit like other subjects such as Mathematics or Science. That is why we have decided that classes for a second language will be conducted for as few as 15 pupils, whereas formerly the minimum requirement was 25 pupils, bearing in mind that a normal class can have as many as 44 pupils. This new formula will mean employment of more teachers for second language teaching. For example, more teachers of Chinese language in English medium schools will be required, and so on.

Sir, I have already indicated earlier the valuable part played by our T.T.C. in successfully implementing the crash project for the professional training of University graduates in a two-language media during the years 1960-62. This year our T.T.C. will launch two new courses. First, a two-year in-service course for teachers with H.S.C. qualifications. For the first time, teachers with H.S.C. qualifications are being recruited on an enhanced salary scale of $225 per month. This is in keeping with their higher qualifications as compared with teachers with School Certificate qualifications who are recruited at $152. They will also undergo a shorter course of training, namely two years instead of three years previously. On completion they will be placed on a salary bracket of $295 instead of $240 as hitherto. Secondly, special two-year upgrading courses for Malay teachers with qualifications of Sultan Idris Training College Certificate and Malay Women Training College Certificate will be conducted. It is perhaps timely for me to express my highest appreciation of the important contributions made by our Malay teachers in their dedication in the task of nation building, their strenuous efforts in propagating the study of our National Language, and at the same time their resolve and determination to improve their own professional standards. This indeed augurs well for the future of our Malay schools and for the rapid development of our National Language in other language media schools.

Likewise our Adult Education Board has during the course of the last three years extended its activities in many ways. One prominent extension was in the field of secondary evening classes which have an enrolment of about 5,000. The Board has initiated a number of successful recreational courses as well, and plans are in hand for the institution of workers' extension classes amongst trade union members in the near future. In our efforts to expand vocational and technical education, we are fortunate to receive valuable assistance from U.N.E.S.C.O. and from friendly countries like Australia, New Zealand, Japan and Canada in the way of provision of valuable equipment, technical teachers, training specialists and training places in specialised fields such as machining, welding, arts and crafts, educational and vocational guidance and the organisation of practical examinations of technical subjects. Special mention must be made of technical equipment estimated at nearly $2 million which the Australian Government has kindly agreed to donate for equipping four secondary technical schools and 12 secondary vocational schools. In addition, equipment to the value of about $200,000 has been received from the Canadian Government for our new vocational institute, the former Balestier Junior Trade School, where craft training at present being conducted at the Singapore Polytechnic will be centralised.

I am sure Members of the House will join me in expressing our deepest gratitude to the peoples and governments of Australia and Canada for their generous contributions of technical assistance at this important stage of our educational development to keep pace with the rapid industrialisation of Singapore. Yet another interesting development in the field of higher education in Singapore is the emergence of the Ngee Ann College at Clemenceau Avenue. This is a private institution and will use Chinese as the chief language medium of instruction. The first 400 students have already been selected and it is understood that the official opening of Singapore's fifth institution of higher learning will be held sometime next month. I am sure all of us in this House and the people of Singapore will join us in wishing the sponsors all success in their endeavours.

In conclusion, Sir, may I briefly refer to the development and construction of schools which, as indicated in the speech of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara, is expected to reach $10 million this year. During the last three and a half years, a total of 28 new schools have been completed - 21 primary and seven secondary - with 610 classrooms and accommodation for more than 50,000 pupils. In addition, there is a total of another 20 schools at various stages of construction - nine primary and 11 secondary. They should be completed in time for next year's admissions, providing an additional 425 classrooms or accommodation for more than 35,000 pupils. In other words, by the end of this year, we would have completed the building of 48 new schools with 1,035 classrooms and accommodation for no less than 85,000 pupils. It will be noted that schools are built throughout the island from rural type single-storey schools to 10-storey skyscraper schools in congested city areas with the aim of serving the needs of our people.

11.04 p.m.

The Minister for Home Affairs (Mr Ong Pang Boon): Mr Speaker, Sir, when merger and Malaysia come into being by August 1963, defence and internal security will be the responsibility of the Central Government and the Singapore Police Force and the Singapore Military Forces will be transferred to the Central Government. In the meantime, the Government will continue to maintain the high standards and efficiency of the Singapore Police Force and the Singapore Military Forces, and proceed with their necessary expansion and reorganisation to fit them for the increasingly vital and important internal security role they would have to play in the emergent Malaysia. Law and order will be effectively maintained and the good relationship between the Singapore Police Force and the people will be developed and built up by every means possible.

Continued pressure against organised crime, in particular against secret society gangsters, has successfully reduced the incidence of this type of crime. This is only possible because the leadership of the Government do not run around with the criminal elements soliciting their support in political campaigns. Other factors may be attributed to:

(a) A greater degree of co-operation from the people and confidence in the integrity of the Government and the police which resulted in better information and more accurate intelligence concerning criminal gangsters;

(b) A more intelligent and effective application of the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Ordinance; and

(c) More effective preventive action.

In fact, so far as the secret society gangsters are concerned, there has been a marked decline in serious crimes, namely murders, gang fights, riotings, assaults, extortions and so forth. For instance, in 1962, there were 10 murders as against 18, 10 and 17 in 1961, 1960 and 1959 respectively. Whilst there was only one case of kidnapping for ransom in 1962, there were 4, 13 and 4 cases for 1961, 1960 and 1959 respectively. The figures for extortions have also been improving very steadily over the past two years, as evidenced by the fact that there were 415 such cases in 1962 as compared with 467 in 1961 and 730 in 1960, while the incidence of rioting and assaults by secret society members has also shown a definite decrease in that there were 207 such cases in 1962 as against 211 for 1961, 239 for 1960, and 402 for 1959. With regard to crime in general, comparative figures in respect of seizable offences for the last three years are as follows:

17,500 cases in 1959

17,700 cases in 1960

17,200 cases in 1961

15,700 cases in 1962.

Ten vigilante corps consisting of members of the public living in the rural areas who are anxious to assist in the maintenance of law and order have already been formed. The Police Cadet Corps which was established in schools in 1961 has increased in strength from 100 to 560, and will be further increased in accordance with planned development to 620 members for 1963.

There is today a significant and heartening development in the relations of the Police Force with the people whom they serve, namely, the introduction of a new spirit of service tempered with friendliness and approachability, which I am happy to say has eliminated to a large extent the previous feelings of distrust and fear which members of the public used to have towards the police. Repeated requests have been made by the residents in Queenstown, including the Member for Queenstown, over the last two years for a new police station to be built somewhere nearer to Queenstown, a satellite town which will eventually cover an area of 600 acres With 17,500 flats and schools, markets, clinics and shops and a population of 150,000. The nearest police station at present is the Tanjong Pagar Police Station which is too far away and inconvenient to the people. In view of the rapid development of Queenstown and the dense con centration of population, it was found desirable to site the new station here in order to serve the needs of the community in the area. The proposal was included in the Four-Year Development Plan in 1961, and I am happy to report that construction of this new $400,000 divisional police station has commenced early last month and is due to be completed in August this year. The construction of the new police station here will serve to further the good relation between the police and the people in that the police personnel who will be working in the new station will themselves be living in the Housing and Development flats among the people. Their wives and children will be going to the same markets and attending the same schools as the wives and children of the people living in the area. This close social contact will build up a two-way traffic of understanding and co-operation. This living together of police personnel among the people is a new trend which it is hoped will be developed in other housing estates that will be built in the future.

The raising of the 2nd Battalion of the Singapore Infantry Regiment is proceeding apace, and will be up to full strength by June this year. There will, therefore, be two regular battalions of the Singapore Infantry Regiment fully operational in addition to a number of ancillary units whose regular elements, together with those of the staff at Headquarters, have also been raised so as to give the Singapore Military Forces a balanced force.

No government in the past have been so progressive, bold and imaginative in carrying out prison reforms along modern lines of penalogical thinking as the P.A.P. Government, and to that end, has established a newly organised prison rehabilitation service which would include staff with diplomas in social studies from the University.

The Pulau Senang Settlement Scheme for the rehabilitation of secret society gangsters, in an atmosphere of community living, without security walls and fence, has continued to flourish and expand, and has received wide acclaim in its role as the Government's primary experiment in penal research. So far, 375 persons have successfully been rehabilitated at Pulau Senang and released. The follow-up scheme of a Work Brigade Camp at Jalan Damai for detainees released from Pulau Senang, as the last lap in their progress towards rehabilitation, has also been very successful.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the modern dormitory system at Ulu Bedok Reformatory Training Centre for young offenders has, since its introduction in 1961, been acclaimed by penal experts visiting the State as one of the most progressive of its kind in this part of the world. It is in this same humane spirit and progressive outlook towards criminals that the Government has now taken another bold stride forward to demolish the outmoded Outram Road Prison and to construct new prison accommodation in Changi. As you know, Sir, the Outram Road Prison is over a hundred years old and undoubtedly falls far short of the standards expected of modern prisons. Because of its age, it is not amenable to renovations. Demolition of some of the existing prison premises within the Outram Road Prison has already started, while the Reformative Training Centre at Pearl's Bank has already been evacuated, awaiting demolition at any time. In its place, new up-to-date accommodation will be provided at Changi Prison and the Medium Security Prison at Changi Camp based on the modern dormitory pattern at Ulu Bedok. Extensive structural alterations in Changi have already been put in hand, while new buildings which will provide the necessary extension and up-to-date improvement in prison accommodation in Changi to replace the outmoded Outram Prison are being carried out. When the new buildings are completed early in 1964, the prison inmates at Outram Road Prison, including the political detainees, will be able to live in more congenial surroundings, with more fresh air and sunshine.

In addition to improving the prison accommodation, the prison industries - an essential feature in the rehabilitation process of prisoners - are also expanding. Construction of the new $800,000 prison laundry, capable of catering for all Government requirements, will be completed next month, and a further 100 prisoners at a time will have the chance to learn a new trade.

In the past, social welfare problems have been dealt with on a patch-work basis. The approach of the present Government is different. We recognise that the basic problems are unemployment, over-crowding and shortage of proper housing, lack of facilities for healthy recreation, and lack of educational opportunities. To tackle these problems at their root, a positive and imaginative approach is necessary. Hence, we have chosen to concentrate our major exertions on industrialisation, merger and Malaysia (which will speed up industrialisation), on the rapid development of housing, on the development of community centres, parks and youth camps, improving and increasing the educational facilities available to the people. The more people get jobs, have proper houses to stay in and places of healthy recreation to go to, and have schools for their children to attend, the less will be the cases needing social welfare help. Positive social uplift is always much better than defensive social welfare help. Nevertheless, for those that still need social welfare assistance. The present Government has both improved and extended the welfare facilities obtainable by the people. For example, a new creche has been opened last year in Mountbatten area and today working mothers in that neighbourhood are able to leave their young children in this creche in the morning before they go to work and collect them back in the evening on their way home. Besides this creche, two other creches are in the process of construction - one in the Bukit Ho Swee area, and the other in the Rochore area - both densely populated areas. A third creche is being built on the ground floor of the Housing and Development Board block of fiats in Cantonment Road, Tanjong Pagar. When ready, these three creches will together cater for nearly 500 babies and young children.

At the other end of our social welfare service, from the cradle to the grave, we are not neglecting the welfare of the aged. Work has already begun on a large rural settlement for old people at a 30-acre site in Woodlands. When the first phase has been completed early next year. The settlement will house 300 homeless destitutes and old men and women. Apart from accommodation, there will be facilities for vegetable and flower gardening, animal husbandry, sheltered workshop employment, recreation and medical attention.

The Government has also continued to provide assistance to victims of civil calamities. For instance, in the recent Bukit Ban Kee fire, which took a toll of approximately 2,000 fire victims, the Government stepped in immediately to look after the welfare of those made homeless. Within the short space of five days, the fire victims were housed in the Housing and Development Board flats at low rentals and close to their former place of residence. This is concrete evidence of the success of rapid and extensive social development achieved by the Government and reflects also the efficiency of the Social Welfare Service.

[Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Mammen) in the Chair]

11.30 p.m.

The Minister for Home Affairs (Mr Ong Pang Boon): The rent subsidies scheme, in most cases at a ceiling rate of $35 per month, are being paid by the Government for three months. Besides Government relief, a Bukit Ban Kee Fire Relief Fund was set up to appeal for donations for the rehabilitation of the fire victims, and lo date. The total collected exceeds $70,000, the greater part of which has already been distributed in relief payments to the victims.

When the present Government came to power in June 1959, it announced that statutory provisions for the protection of workers, such as payment of workers, such as payment of overtime wages, holiday pay, rest day pay, etc, had been evaded and that strong action would be taken to enforce those provisions. I am glad to say that, as a result of action taken in pursuance of this policy, widespread evasion of statutory obligations is now a thing of the past, and if it exists, it is almost negligible. The Labour Department up to date has recovered, through its Labour Inspectorate alone, a sum of almost half a million dollars and paid it over to the workers concerned. In most cases, the employers paid willingly after the officials of the department had explained the law. Further, when employers refused to, or would not, meet their legal obligations to their workmen, the workmen, encouraged by the pro-labour policy of the Government, and in many cases helped by their unions, took their claims to the two Labour Courts whose services are provided free of charge. One of these Courts was expressly set up by this Government to meet the sudden increase in the number of complaints, so that all claims could be dealt with expeditiously with as little delay and inconvenience to the workers as possible. As a result, from June 1959 up to date, the Labour Courts recovered a total sum of almost half a million dollars and paid it to the workers who came under the Labour Ordinance, the Clerks Employment Ordinance and the Shop Assistants Ordinance. It must also be mentioned that, during the same period, through the good offices of the Labour Courts, a sum of about $50,000 was recovered on behalf of domestic servants who did not fall under the above-mentioned Ordinances but who nevertheless sought the aid of the Labour Department.

In accordance with the Government's declared policy, the building of a large centrally-situated Trade Union House took shape during the year. The piling work for the project, which will cost $4.15 million, began in August last year after a brief ceremony at which a worker selected by secret ballot drove the first pile. The building is expected to be completed by November 1964. It will be styled "The Singapore Conference Hall and Trade Union House." It will have all the facilities and amenities which such an institution should have, such as an auditorium for international conferences, a theatrete, flexible conference roofs, a reception hall and lounge, offices for trade unions, a research section and library, canteen facilities, etc. The building, when completed, will be an impressive symbol of the solidarity of all the genuine trade unions in the State.

With the split in the trade union movement in 1961, anti-national elements stirred up industrial unrest with a view to sabotaging the Government's industrialisation programme and wrecking the economy of the State. There were 112 strikes and four lock-outs during the year - the highest ever recorded since 1956. The significant point to note about these stoppages is that 75 per cent of them occurred during the second half of the year, that is after the split in the trade union movement. From July onwards, industrial stoppages rose sharply and, for the last three months of the year. There was an average of 19 strikes per month. Further, a motion on this industrial unrest was introduced in the Assembly by the Member for Cairnhill and debated by the House. However, the Government that caters for the task of raising the standard of living of the workers and ensuring that the people receive a fair share of the fruits of industry, went about its duty of maintaining industrial peace with vigour and foresight.

In the light of experience of working the Industrial Relations Ordinance, the Government has made a number of amendments to it, in order to achieve greater clarity and remove anomalies arising out of its application. It is provided, inter alia, that all negotiations on industrial matters shall be in accordance with the provisions of the Ordinance and penalties are provided for contravention thereof. This amendment was necessary because certain unions were holding negotiations outside the provisions of the Ordinance and thus defeating the intention behind the Ordinance. It is imperative, in the interests of industrial peace, that the machinery provided for the purpose of settling trade disputes should be followed strictly.

I am glad to say that the labour situation during the past year has improved considerably. There was an appreciable decrease in the number of industrial stoppages and man-days lost. There were 88 industrial stoppages with 165,000 man-days lost last year as against 116 stoppages with 411,000 man-days lost in 1961. During the last three months there has been a total of only 9 stoppages. There was also an appreciable decrease in the number for trade disputes referred to the Department last year. There were, 1,064 trade disputes in 1962 as against 1,225 in 1961.

In order to obviate any delay in the quick and speedy settlement of trade disputes submitted to arbitration and the certification of agreements, a second industrial Arbitration Court was set up in October last year. As a result of this today the backlog of cases has been considerably reduced. Last year the two Courts arbitrated 31 cases and certified 264 agreements, compared with nine cases and 121 agreements for the 1960-61 period. At the end of last month there were only 30 cases awaiting arbitration.

One concrete manifestation of the Government's pro-labour policy has been the creation of the Labour Research Unit. Trade unionists have complained that while employers have excellent research facilities and qualified personnel at their disposal to help them with the presentation of their cases in the Arbitration Court, trade unions have been at a disadvantage. Trade unionists with the necessary experience and qualifications to help trade unions are few in number, and trade unions possess no adequate research facilities.

The Government considered the representation of trade unions made through the National Trades Union Congress, and decided to set up a Labour Research Unit staffed by qualified economists, accountants and legal men. Nine trade union leaders have been seconded from their places of employment to serve as industrial officers with the Labour Research Unit. The functions of these industrial officers are to help trade unions with the formulation of their claims in negotiations with employers and with the presentation of union cases before the Industrial Arbitration Court. The Government has also requested the I.L.O. for the services of a research specialist to set up the research section of the Unit. Trade unions have majority representation on the Governing Board of this Unit. I may also state that the Government regards the Labour Research Unit as an independent body, not subject to any official control, and which exists primarily to serve the trade unions. In short, although the Government pays the piper, it is the trade unions who call the tune.

The services of the Labour Research Unit are open to all trade unions, whatever their affiliations may be. So far, however, the S.A.T.U. group of unions have not cared to call on the services of this Unit. I need not labour the reasons for this. The pro-Communist leaders of the S.A.T.U. group cannot be expected to conduct research for the benefit of the workers, and the Labour Research Unit, from their point of view, is bad because it only does research to justify the claims of labour and maintains no connection with the Indonesian Communist Party.

The most encouraging result of the Government's pro-labour policy has been the continuous defeats inflicted by the workers themselves on the pro-Communist leadership of the trade union movement. It is open knowledge that before the P.A.P. Government took office, pro-Communists in the trade unions had contrived to secure almost complete control over the non-Communist workers of Singapore and to use them not for the benefit of the workers but for the benefit of the Communist cause. Because of the undeniable pro-labour policy of the Government, the Communists have failed this time to bring the majority of workers in Singapore under their hegemony. For the first time in the last decade there exists in Singapore a vital and expanding democratic alternative to the Communist-controlled trade union movement. I do not think that the pro-Communists at the moment would dare to deny that they are rapidly losing their hold on the workers of Singapore. It is common knowledge that ever since the split in the trade union movement there has been a one-way traffic of workers of the pro-Communist S.A.T.U. group to the non-Communist camp. Up to the end of January this year, at least 37 branches involving more than 3,000 workers have shifted over from the S.A.T.U. group of unions to the democratic side. The process is continuing. These 37 branches are: (1) from the Singapore Business Houses Employees Union:

(1) American President Lines.

(2) The Business Systems.

(3) Boustead & Co. Ltd.

(4) Borneo Co. Ltd.

(5) Caldbeck MacGregor.

(6) Everett Steamship.

(7) Harrisons Lister.

(8) Hagemeyer.

(9) Japan Air Lines.

(10) May & Baker Ltd.

(11) Overseas Corporation.

(12) Scott & English.

(13) Sandilands Buttery.

(14) Lendrum.

(15) Lindeteves-Jacoberg.

(16) Maynard & Co. Ltd.

and (2) from the Singapore Employees Union:

(1) Fred Waterhouse.

(2) Gleneagles Hospital.

(3) Thornycroft.

(4) Singapore Plywood.

(5) Teck Heng.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: On a point of order, Sir.

Mr Deputy Speaker: Point of order.

Dr Lee Siew Choh: Is it the intention of the Government Minister to filibuster?

Mr Lee Khoon Choy: They are very important facts.

Mr Deputy Speaker: It is not a point of order at all.

Mr Ong Pang Boon: Mr Deputy Speaker, I deliberately quoted the names of these companies because they are of considerable importance to the workers in these establishments and this is also to prove to the S.A.T.U. group in case they accuse the Government of spreading malicious rumours.

(6) Tian Hup Transport.

(7) Transport & Storage.

(8) Fraser & Neave Ltd.

(9) Cathay Organisation.

(10) Cathay Hotel.

(11) International Films.

(12) Malayan Bitumen.

(13) Hindhede Quarry.

(14) Seiclene Steam Laundry.

(15) Kah Kin Rubber Factory.

(16) Singapore Baggage.

(17) Thong Huat Co.

(18) Yeo Hiap Seng.

(19) Singapore Steam Laundry.

(20) Wah Hong Manufacturing Co.

(21) Seng Lee Tobacco Co.

These are the 37 trade union branches that have left the pro-Communist S.A.T.U. group to join the democratic trade union movement. On the other hand, a decline in the fortunes of the S.A.T.U. group can be seen, apart from these 37, from the fact that at the time of its formation, the S.A.T.U. group claimed to have the support of 80 odd trade unions, but it could manage to get only 14 unions to issue a joint statement on the eve of the national referendum calling for blank votes.

Let me tell the Barisan members why the eyes of the workers of Singapore have been opened and why it is that there is a general movement of workers away from them. In the first place, it is not possible for the pro-Communists to fool all the workers all the time. No amount of anti-Government propaganda will be able to convince the majority of the workers of Singapore that this Government is anti-labour. Our labour record is there for all to see and it is general knowledge that this Government has been responsible for introducing into Singapore the most progressive labour legislation anywhere in South-East Asia.

Secondly, the workers of Singapore are able to see that the S.A.T.U. group of trade unions has, in fact, exploited them for pro-Communist anti-national purposes. Whenever the S.A.T.U. group of trade unions indulged in industrial action, their purpose was not to obtain benefits for the workers, but to convert every industrial action into a political campaign against the Government. As a result of the Communist handling of trade disputes, innocent workers found themselves embroiled not only with the employer but also with the law and the police. It is needless to say that this was precisely the strategy of the pro-communist S.A.T.U. leaders to ensure that the workers did find themselves so embroiled. On the other hand, the non-Communist trade unions of Singapore have also initiated industrial action, but they have always taken care to ensure that industrial disputes remained industrial in nature and were not converted into instruments of political action. The democratic trade unions have also had greater recourse to the conciliation machinery provided by the Labour Ministry and to the processes of arbitration. One of the major reasons why workers in increasing numbers are leaving the Communist fold is that they have discovered for themselves that the non-Communist labour movement, simply because of its intelligent and responsible attitude to trade disputes, has been able to secure much better benefits for the workers.

Thirdly, the S.A.T.U. group are failing and will continue to fail for the good reason that workers are beginning to realise that the S.A.T.U. leaders are not genuine trade unionists but political prize fighters in the cause of foreign anti-Malaysian forces. The S.A.T.U. group will inevitably fail because the workers of Singapore cannot be expected to trust those who show a greater affinity to the Communists of Indonesia than to the progressive forces of Malaysian nationalism. It will not have escaped the attention of Members of this House and of the workers of Singapore that the S.A.T.U. group of trade unionists have not cared, so far, to publicly deny their sympathies with the Communist Party of Indonesia. I can assure the workers of Singapore that they will not get any such denial from S.A.T.U. for the good reason that the charges are true.

One of the stock accusations of the pro-Communist S.A.T.U. group of trade unions is that the Government has failed to support the unification of the trade union movement. When the pro-Communists talked about unification of the trade union movement, they mean the control of the movement by the front agents of the Malayan Communist Party. It is surely impossible to expect the Government to help the Communists to gain control of the trade union movement on the pretext of unification and to surrender the non-Communist majority of the workers of Singapore to the tender mercies of foreign inspired anti-national elements. In the circumstances, it is better that there should be a clear demarcation between pro-Communists and non-Communists in the trade union movement.

The Government will continue to encourage the genuine unification of the trade union movement but on the basis of democratic and independent trade unionism. We have no doubt that in the final result the labour movement of Singapore will be so unified.

I would like to repeat here the Government's assurance that it has not discriminated and will not discriminate, against those innocent workers who still find themselves within the pro-Communist orbit so long as they observe the provisions of the law and press their claims within the context of the Industrial Relations Ordinance. The Government also repeats its warning to employers not to take advantage of the recent arrests of pro-Communist trade union leaders in order to victimise workers who have the misfortune to belong to the S.A.T.U. group of trade unions.

The Government intends to ensure industrial justice to all workers irrespective of their trade union affiliations. However, we have no intention of allowing pro-Communist trade union leaders to mislead the workers into breaking the provisions of the law and will come down with a heavy hand on those leaders if they decide to do so.

Inche Ahmad Jabri: (In Malay): Mr Deputy Speaker, in debating the motion moved by the Prime Minister to express our thanks to the Yang di-Pertuan Negara for the speech which he delivered on behalf of the Government at the opening of this Session, I rise to speak after having followed the speech made by His Excellency.

There is not a single matter in the speech which could impress us in connection with the Government's policies in the future, except for matters which can be considered routine - old matter repeated; for instance, the construction of houses, installation of standpipes, street lights, etc. I think, as I have said earlier, that these are normal matters which can be heard over the radio, and quite recently through television, and also can be read from pamphlets issued by the Ministry of Culture.

In dealing this policy speech, I should like to stress, Mr Deputy Speaker, that what impresses me is that we discover that at the end of the speech there is an appeal to the leaders, particularly to Members of this Assembly, to share the responsibility with the Government to nurture the healthy democratic system in our State. To me this is something relatively new, for the Government to exhort, to appeal to Members of this House, particularly with reference to the Opposition Members. Nobody can deny that the Government for the past three and a half years or so has, in fact, considered the Opposition Members as cannot be relied upon to co-operate with the Government.

12.00 midnight

Mr Deputy Speaker: Order. Moment of interruption.